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By Frank GardnerBBC security correspondent They are not in charge of the city, the military forces of the UAE are. But in the last few days disturbing reports have emerged of the summary executions of prisoners by the jihadists, along with their black flags hoisted onto public buildings. The war in Yemen, now in its sixth month, has effectively offered the jihadists a backdoor entry into the country's second most important city and a major Indian Ocean port. "The jihadists have been taking advantage of the chaos in Aden to infiltrate the city," says Aimen Deen, a Dubai-based consultant and former jihadist himself. Nigel Inkster, the director of transnational threats at the London think-tank IISS and a former director of Britain's Secret Intelligence Service, concurs. "AQAP are a very opportunistic organisation," he says. "What has happened in Aden has created an opportunity and given them scope to expand there and in certain parts of the country." So what exactly has happened in Aden? Very bad things in recent weeks is the answer. For 128 years, the Indian Ocean port of Aden and the adjoining hinterland was a British protectorate and later a crown colony. As recently as the 1960s, cruise ships were dropping off passengers to shop in its teeming markets as they refuelled on the long voyage between Southampton and the Far East. It was one of the busiest ports and harbours in the world. After a violent independence campaign, Aden became the capital of the Marxist People's Democratic Republic of Yemen from 1967 to 1990. Russian sailors strolled around town, office women wore Western skirts and there was even a local brewery. Then followed unification with North Yemen and a brief and ultimately unsuccessful attempt by the South to split away in 1994. When I interviewed the country's strongman, President Ali Abdullah Saleh, in 2000, he told me his greatest achievement had been uniting the two Yemens, North and South. Aden But today Yemen is in chaos. Pushed out by the Arab Spring protests of 2011, President Saleh left office, but not Yemen. A sore loser, he conspired to wreck Yemen's transition to a peaceful democracy, forming an alliance in 2014 with the same Houthi rebels he had fought several wars against. In September 2014, the rebels advanced on the capital, Sanaa, from their northern stronghold. By January 2015, they had the president, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, under house arrest. By March, they had seized almost the whole of the western half of the country, driving the government into exile and capturing Aden. Who is fighting whom in Yemen? Houthis - The Zaidi Shia Muslim rebels from the north overran Sanaa last year and then expanded their control. They want to replace Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, whose government they say is corrupt. The US alleges Iran is providing military assistance to the rebels. Ali Abdullah Saleh - Military units loyal to the former president - forced to hand over power in 2011 after mass protests - are fighting alongside the Houthis. Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi - The president fled abroad in March as the rebels advanced on Aden, where he had taken refuge in February. Sunni Muslim tribesmen and Southern separatists have formed militia to fight the rebels. Saudi-led coalition - A US-backed coalition of nine, mostly Sunni Arab states, says it is seeking to "defend the legitimate government" of Mr Hadi. Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula - AQAP opposes both the Houthis and President Hadi. A rival affiliate of Islamic State has also recently emerged. Human Rights Watch report on Yemen Yemen's giant neighbour, Saudi Arabia, suspected the hand of Iran was behind the rebels, who are Shia, and launched a devastating air war to push them back and force them to sue for peace. It has largely worked, but at a cost. The rebels are now in full retreat, but over 4,000 people have been killed in the fighting, at least half of them civilians. The once quiet, torpid streets of Aden have been battered by mortar fire, snipers and artillery. As part of the Saudi-led coalition, the UAE landed an entire armoured brigade there to reinforce the Yemeni loyalists fighting the rebels. French-built Leclerc tanks of the UAE army have been in action north of the city. But in Aden itself there has been something of a power vacuum with almost no effective policing or security - just the sort of situation the jihadists like to exploit. As far back as February, when the Houthis were advancing into Aden, IS declared a new province, a "wilaya" of Aden and Lahej. After launching an attack on Houthi rebels on 18 July, they reportedly executed seven of their captives in the district known as Crater. Now, in a new report on the mistreatment of prisoners by both sides, Human Rights Watch cites reports that on 23 August, IS dressed a number of Houthi prisoners in orange jumpsuits, placed them in a boat which was then towed out into the harbour. Reportedly watched by local residents of Aden, the boat carrying the prisoners was then blown up, killing those on board, the report says. Yemen is no stranger to violence. In the last four years, it has witnessed some horrific suicide bombings, mostly in Sanaa. For now, it seems that the jihadists of AQAP and IS have largely put aside their differences to fight their common enemy, the Shia Houthi rebels. Ironically, they are being aided by air strikes from the very countries - Saudi Arabia and the UAE - who normally oppose them. But their apparent infiltration into what was once one of the most important ports on the Indian Ocean gives them a base they could only have dreamed of before this war began.

ما لا يراه معظم العالم، هو أن ميناء عدن الذي كان هادئاً في السابق، يتعرض للتسلل بشكل مطرد من قبل الجهاديين من تنظيم القاعدة في شبه الجزيرة العربية وتنظيم الدولة الإسلامية.

هل سلمت حرب اليمن عدن للجهاديين؟

By Dougal ShawCEO Secrets series producer Ojoma Idegwu - I have to clarify I am who I 'claim' to be Ojoma, 37, is the founder of Dear Curves, a fashion label for plus-size women. She used to work on the shop floor in Topshop, but eventually took the plunge of starting her own fashion business. I must start off by making very clear how immensely proud I am of the colour of my skin. Having said that, I am all too aware of the challenges it presents. Being a black entrepreneur in the UK for me means, in most instances, I have to work twice as hard to be in the same space as, and get the same opportunity as, my white colleagues. I'm genuinely made to feel like I have to prove myself again and again. I’m dealing with consistent micro-aggressions, back-handed compliments from some white, key decision-makers in the fashion industry. And people say: “Oh Ojoma, I’m only joking, don’t take it so seriously!” I’ve been stared at in disbelief [at business events], when I introduce myself as the owner of Dear Curves. From their reaction you can tell they didn't expect to see a black person. It’s almost like people are saying, "Did she miss the exit?" I'm often asked again, as if to clarify I am who I "claim" to be! It can end up with them walking away in embarrassment. I wish there were more female fashion entrepreneur role models, to boost confidence. Recently we had the protest for racial equality in the US, and rightly so. So we had a lot of big businesses coming out making wonderful pledges, publicly preaching about how they would create space for black and minority-owned businesses. These brands publicly ask you to send them a copy of your lookbook, but privately, they send you an email, talking about how "I'm not a right fit for their platform". The key problem with this is I'd not even sent them a copy of my lookbook yet! This is what black-owned businesses like mine deal with. I'm tired of being used as a tool to publicly show how diverse these brands intend to be, but in reality they don't mean any of the things they declare. Jamal Edwards - I used to feel like the outsider but the internet has made things easier Jamal, 29, founded the online media company SBTV in 2007 in west London. It grew out of YouTube, with an emphasis on discovering new music artists, including Ed Sheeran and Dave. He was awarded an MBE in the 2015 New Year Honours list. I personally feel like the democratic nature of the internet has meant that the opinions and ideologies of the so-called gatekeepers - who are mainly white - are null and void. It’s made it a lot easier for people like me, who are of Afro-Caribbean descent, to prosper. This has broken down a lot of barriers and increased the access to opportunities that may have not been readily available to me before the YouTube era. When I first started I had work experience at MTV and the BBC and I always remember feeling a sense of nervousness going in to work because it felt like I was the outsider. I quickly learnt to overcome these problems, but I don’t think it should be a feeling an aspiring young professional should face. Although I have had many successes I have faced many challenges. For example, there came a point in my business where I felt like I hit a glass ceiling. It became clear that I was not being taken seriously due to my appearance because I didn't dress or look like your generic executive. I have always looked at it as a matter of strategy to debunk these micro-aggressions that were the cause of these barriers. It became apparent that I had to hire a senior white male executive to balance things out and to aid in breaking through the glass ceiling I was faced with. Since then we have built a great partnership and we work extremely well together. As time has passed it's inspiring to see all the black executives championing change. I definitely think there has been change, even if it has been small. This has led to other entrepreneurs coming through and making a name for themselves. It’s refreshing to see people that look like me, that have often been overlooked, and had to work harder than their white contemporaries, be taken seriously and reap the fruits of their labour. Gerald Manu - An investor told me to ask black people for money instead Gerald, 22, is the founder of Devacci, a street fashion label he created while still at school in Croydon, south London. Building a business from scratch is never easy. Building a business from the ground up as a black entrepreneur is 100 times harder. This is especially true in my area: fashion and technology, where there are few black entrepreneur role models. The Black Lives Matter movement really matters to me because I believe in equality in every aspect of life. Black people like myself have been treated unfairly and it is time for a change. I have experienced countless hardships as a black entrepreneur. My worst experience was fundraising. I had come across an angel investor who agreed to schedule a meeting with me. The meeting only lasted about 20 minutes. The majority of the meeting was the angel investor brutally criticising my business plan without any positive feedback, but that wasn’t the worst part. He made a comment saying: “I know that if I give you this money, you will most likely blow it all on an expensive lifestyle or spend it recklessly. Why don’t you go ask other black, influential, wealthy people in the UK for the money instead?” I was shocked and disgusted by those comments. My ego was crushed at that moment. It was one of the worst days of my life. But I did not let it get me down, I used those comments as fuel to pursue my dreams with Devacci. I hope there will be more diversity when it comes to venture capitalist funding for businesses, because I know I am not the only one facing this type of racial discrimination. Being a black entrepreneur trying to secure angel investment or venture capital for your business is basically almost impossible and that is something that needs to change. Kike Oniwinde - There are not enough black people in senior leadership positions Kike, 27, is the founder of BYP Network, which works with businesses like Facebook, Sky and Netflix. It has been called ‘the black LinkedIn’, creating networking opportunities primarily for black people. When I started my business back in 2016, it was partly inspired by the Black Lives Matter movement and the realisation that there was a lack of black representation in corporations. I felt like the media only represents black people in a negative way: it’s about knife crime, or it showcases us as entertainers in sports and music only. This led to the motivation to "change the black narrative" by connecting black professionals around the globe for role model visibility, job and business opportunities and economic empowerment. Here we are in 2020, and the same motivations still persist. There are not enough black people in senior leadership positions here in the UK, we still face prejudice, micro-aggressions, racism and closed doors. Race is something I think about daily, mainly because my business is focused on black attainment, but also because the glaring differences of how we are treated is constant. As a black female founder, access to investment is statistically near-impossible. In Europe, €13bn (£11.6bn) a year funding is spent on predominantly white, male founding companies to innovate the future. This capital is barely accessible to black founders. Only 1% of companies invested in are black-owned. Only 0.2% of companies invested in have a black, female founder. I have been fortunate to raise investment, but it’s about access for all black founders, not just the few. Venture capital firms should be held accountable for the lack of investment in black founders. We have barely seen statements of solidarity or even acknowledgement of the current climate. As an entrepreneur, I believe the wider public should be more informed about the venture capital world so that more people can hold them accountable, not just the elite few. Myself and other black founders ask them to: Black lives matter in all facets of life, whether when questioned by police, interviewing for a job, or seeking investment. As a black female founder, I am aware that others see me as a role model, the very representation I was searching for. So it’s part of my duty to ensure doors can be opened for others that look like me. If you would like to suggest an inspiring entrepreneur for CEO Secrets you can contact series producer Dougal Shaw

على مدى السنوات الخمس الماضية، قامت بي بي سي نيوز بدعوة رجال الأعمال لتبادل نصائحهم في سلسلة فيديو تسمى أسرار الرئيس التنفيذي. هنا، يناقش أربعة من مؤسسي الأعمال السود الذين كانوا ضيوفًا كيف يشعرون بأن لون بشرتهم قد أثر على الطريقة التي يتنقلون بها في عالم الأعمال.

"لقد تم التحديق بي بعدم تصديق عندما قدمت نفسي"

The Magistrate made this ruling after looking into chargers made by the police on misuse of funds allocated for "Samurdhi" projects. Approximately rupees three million had been allocated for two projects by then Samurdhi Affairs minister SB Dissanayake on the request of Women's Affairs minister Amara Piyaseeli Rathnayake. Investigating police officers told the courts that there were no such projects in the relevant areas. The officials of the non-governmental organizations who are said to have received the funds also have been charged. The Magistrate informed the police that if they intend to arrest the suspects they should seek the attorney generals advice before doing so.

وأمر قاضي كولومبو الوزيرين السابقين إس بي ديساناياكي وأمارا بياسيلي راتناياكي وستة آخرين بالامتناع عن تخمير الجزيرة.

ممنوع السفر إلى الخارج لـ SB وAmara Piyaseeli

David CornockParliamentary correspondent, Wales The answer next May could be more than two. UKIP's rise and the SNP surge have helped make the election the most unpredictable in living memory (a phrase you may hear again in the next 146 days). Neither of the two largest parties looks capable of winning a majority and the third largest party may have insufficient seats to hold the balance of power on its own. Alternatively, could one of the larger parties choose to govern as a minority administration, by striking a deal or pact with another (non-Lib Dem party)? Well, it could happen. Which is where the SNP come in. Former SNP leader (and future backbencher?) Alex Salmond told last night's BBC Newsnight he "would be very surprised if people weren't looking at this kaleidoscope potential of a parliament and not seeing how legitimate political ambitions can be pursued. "Incidentally, this is entirely proper - this is what politics is about, that's why people vote. And that's why I'm saying that for first time in many years people in Scotland can vote with the reasonable expectation that we might actually have a decisive influence on legislation in the next Parliament, and that is all to the good." The one stumbling block to a deal with Labour could be the SNP's self-denying ordinance on votes on English issues. It would clearly limit their value to a Miliband administration without a majority. So presenter Kirsty Wark asked if he would vote on education and NHS legislation in England in a deal with Labour. Alex Salmond: "One of things I learned in that experience minority government in Scotland is it's probably wise if you're in that position of an opposition party not to reveal too many of your cards in advance. The people who played their cards best were the ones who didn't play them face up. So if you forgive me I won't go into too much detail on tactics." He agreed with Wark that it isn't difficult "with parliamentary ingenuity" to make a bill relevant to Scotland So where does that leave Plaid Cymru, who form a joint parliamentary party with the SNP at Westminster? Plaid's parliamentary leader Elfyn Llwyd told me in an interview for the next Sunday Politics: "We've always worked with the SNP. We are looking at these things even now because it is inevitable it will be a hung parliament and it's a question of who's going to be doing what. It's an interesting situation and I believe that we will be players in it." The SNP shopping list appears to involve the scrapping of Trident (and presumably the continuation of the Barnett formula). What would Plaid Cymru want (apart from the end of the Barnett formula)?. Elfyn Llwyd: "Greater powers to the Welsh assembly, clearly; moving on taxation without a referendum, ensuring that we address the Barnett problem now without any further ado. There are many things that we could be talking about, but I think, potentially, it's an important situation and potentially we could do a lot of good for Wales by entering into an issue-by-issue understanding with a Labour government and I for one would fully endorse that." Plaid leader Leanne Wood, new SNP leader (and First Minister) Nicola Sturgeon and Green Party leader Natalie Bennett will hold talks on Monday in London to discuss their strategy for the coming months.

كم عدد الأحزاب اللازمة لتشكيل الحكومة؟

سيدعم Plaid MP صفقة "كل قضية على حدة" مع حزب العمال

By Mark WardTechnology correspondent, BBC News "No thanks, I'm just browsing." This is a lie. I am not just browsing. I am trying to make a smart washing machine on display in this electronics store cough up its deepest secrets. On this model, that means I need to simultaneously press a couple of buttons on the control panel to jog it into a mode that shows how it connects to wi-fi. But I need to hold the buttons down for five seconds or so and every time I do that a hovering salesman or woman comes over and I have to abandon the attempt. Maybe there is a better way to plumb the secrets of smart devices. I'm curious about the security on these gadgets as I've just bought a washing machine that can communicate its well-being via an app. More and more domestic gadgets that, since their creation, have been as isolationist as North Korea are now becoming decidedly verbose. And they do most of their chatting via apps. With home routers regularly getting enrolled into scams, I'm wondering if smart washing machines, ovens, tumble dryers and fridges will be next. App attack "Get hold of the .apk," said Mark Schloesser, a senior researcher at security company Rapid7 when I asked him about ways to investigate the security, or otherwise, of these gadgets. By .apk he means the Android file for the app. The relatively open nature of Google's Android means it is possible to download an app and decompile it to reveal its innards. This I do. And soon after, I realise that all my years of tinkering with computers and software have not accidentally turned me into a competent reverse engineer. I can see how the code breaks down into functions but the opaque nature of the language in which it is written, Java, defeated my attempts to understand which bit did what. Mr Schloesser reassured me that this kind of static analysis was difficult for everyone. "Java has a big standard library and a big amount of tools to choose from," he said. "In addition, on Android you have the whole Google SDK [software developers' kit] at your disposal." Also, he said, there was no set way that developers lay out the code inside an app. "It will be pretty much arbitrary. The structure is not standard," he said. Given that, I let another professional, Stephen Tomkinson, of security company NCC Group, also have a look. From what he saw, the app in question is a bit of a mess. It has code in it to serve both washing machines and air conditioners. It has hardcoded passwords and communicated with a servicing and maintenance system in a way that might be insecure. 'Flaky' The best way to see if the app, and by implication, the washing machine can be turned against its owners is to spy on the traffic that flows between the two and which they send out over the net to the service centre or head office. Daniel O'Connor did just that with his Samsung air conditioner, which can be controlled over wi-fi via a smartphone or laptop. He started to look at the traffic because soon after he installed it he lost the ability to control it via anything but a smartphone. "It was flaky and it was not clear why," he told the BBC. "That drew my attention, and led me to start figuring out how the heck this was working." By looking at the data passing over his home wi-fi network from the device he found that it was regularly sending updates about itself to a service website run by Samsung. He noticed it was sending back unique identifiers for his device and seemed to communicate whether he wanted it to or not. Mr O'Connor figured out the problem that made his air conditioner only talk to a smartphone, and it kicked off an effort to develop more ways to communicate with these smart devices. He is not alone. There are a growing number of projects run by amateurs and start-ups keen to make their software act as a central co-ordinator for devices that will be the "things" in the future Internet of Things. Many of the early IoT devices only talk to products from the same manufacturer. Without a central controller, the fear is that our homes will be populated by several internets of different things, making them a nightmare to control. Data lost Even though I do not have a smart washing machine I found a man that did - Dan Cuthbert, an analyst at security firm company. Even better, he has been looking at the apps used to control it and other gadgets, such as a tumble dryer, to see how easy they are to subvert. His investigations suggests that the app-based control system is something of an afterthought and few companies seem to have spent the money needed to ensure the apps are secure. He said analysis shows that code inside some of the apps has been borrowed from other places and, worryingly, they use some technologies, such as UPnP, known to have exploitable vulnerabilities. Right now though, he admits, the danger posed by these devices is largely theoretical. However, he said, that might soon change. "If you look at two or five years down the line there's a big push to have lots of internet-enabled devices," he said. "You start with the utility devices such as washing machines and fridges. Then it moves to other gadgets - and once you start doing that, there's the issue of data leakage." By having all those devices merrily connecting and swapping data it might get much easier for cyberthieves to grab information they can use to get at much more saleable data. Attackers could use an insecure fridge as a pivot to get at your laptop or tablet where login IDs, credit card numbers and other identifiers are located. A home full of smart devices will be gathering data on its occupants and that information is going to become very useful and valuable, he said. Already social media sites profit from the data people surrender as they post updates. Actual data about lifestyles was likely to be a juicy target for all kinds of firms, he said. "As a consumer I want to know what these devices are doing," he said. "I think I have a right."

"مرحبا! هل تحتاج إلى أي مساعدة يا سيدي؟"

لماذا تمثل غسالتك خطرًا أمنيًا؟

Linda YuehChief business correspondent However, earnings per share beat consensus forecasts at 81 cents versus 75 cents, and the margin on earnings rose to 58% from 50.5%. Alibaba says that gross merchandise sales volumes rose by 49% with active buyers up 45% from a year earlier on its Chinese retail sites. Notably, mobile transactions now account for 42% of Alibaba's business, more than doubling from a year ago when it was 20%. The company says that active mobile users have nearly doubled to 265 million from 136 million a year ago. Those would seem to be impressive figures, but Alibaba shares fell as much as 8% in pre-market trading on the missed revenues. A rare public dispute with the Chinese regulator may also be casting a shadow on the company. The SAIC, the State Administration for Industry and Commerce, in a white paper said that Alibaba's biggest e-commerce platforms not only sold fakes, but that the company turned a blind eye to counterfeit goods, and accused Alibaba of "misconduct". Alibaba says it is combating counterfeit goods sold by vendors on its various websites. The SAIC said that this discussion with Alibaba over its practices occurred two months before its Initial Public Offering (IPO), but the regulator has only brought it to light now. Well, sort of, since the report has since been taken down from the SAIC's website. The spat with the SAIC may reveal the Chinese government using one of its most prominent companies to set an example to showcase its commitment to crack down and protect intellectual property rights, an ongoing area of dissatisfaction expressed by foreign firms in particular and increasingly by Chinese ones. In any case, Alibaba's share price has come under some pressure as a result over the past two days - dropping some 4% yesterday when the SAIC report was released. Still, at about $90, it is still considerably above the IPO price of $68 from last September. What Alibaba is now experiencing is what other listed firms regularly face - the need to meet market expectations and address bad news, particularly on the regulatory front.

أعلنت شركة علي بابا، أكبر شركة للتجارة الإلكترونية في العالم، عن نمو إيراداتها السنوية بنسبة 40٪ في تقريرها الأول منذ طرح أسهمها الذي حطم الرقم القياسي. سيكون هذا أمرًا مثيرًا للإعجاب بالنسبة لمعظم الشركات، لكن مبلغ الـ 4.2 مليار دولار الذي تم تحقيقه كان أقل من توقعات المحللين البالغة 4.4 مليار دولار.

عندما لا يكون نمو الإيرادات بنسبة 40% كافيًا

The Gateway Centre at Gillingate in Kendal, was built after receiving £50,000 of funding from Cumbria Partnership NHS Foundation Trust. The centre brings together five local charities and the trust under one roof to offer health advice to residents. Lord Lieutenant Claire Hensman, who opened the centre, said it was a "wonderful opportunity" for the community to "work together". The centre is one of 16 projects in the county that has shared £500,000 worth of funding from the trust.

تم افتتاح مركز صحي جديد بقيمة 50 ألف جنيه إسترليني في كمبريا.

افتتحت جمعيات كومبريا الخيرية والثقة مركزًا صحيًا بقيمة 50 ألف جنيه إسترليني

By Tim ManselBBC World Service, Aarhus We meet in a large, loud, busy Turkish restaurant on the edge of the city, but we don't stay long. There are two of them - we'll call them Ahmed and Mahmoud - and what we have to talk about demands a measure of privacy. Mahmoud drives us to a large hotel, where we sit down in a quiet room. Ahmed is 25, he says, born in Somalia, although he's lived in Denmark since he was six. Ahmed then tells his story, describing an unexceptional childhood - he was a "normal kid" growing up in the Aarhus suburbs, who liked playing football, doing well in school, learning Danish fast. "Everything was good for me at that time," he says. Then, when he was in his teens, his father announced that he was taking him on the Hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca. "It was important for my father to get me more religious," he says. "I didn't know much about my religion. It was like I had left it in Somalia. But my father said, you are a Muslim, you have a Muslim name. You have to know your history, your background and your religion." So the family went to Mecca and Ahmed remembered returning to Denmark with a sense of relief. "When we came back I was happy and I was a new person with a religious identity. I saw the world differently. I saw that it was important for a person to have a connection with his god, I saw that there was an afterlife." But Ahmed's new faith got him into trouble at school. He abandoned jeans and T-shirts and took to wearing traditional Islamic dress. He became defensive and argumentative when the subject of religion came up. He acknowledges today that he could have handled things better, but at the time, he said, he responded aggressively because he felt he had a duty to defend his religion when he was being baited by his Danish classmates. "They would say things like, 'You stone your women, you lash people who speak freely,' and I felt I had to defend my religion, but I didn't know how to debate properly and it went out not correctly." Ahmed was shortly to discover exactly how "not correctly" it had come out. He was out one evening when his father rang. "Where are you?" he demanded. "What have you done?" His father said the police had just knocked on the door and were looking for him. "When I got home, he was shocked and angry. He told me that I had to go straight to the police station the following morning, and ask them what they wanted." So Ahmed went to see the police and was amazed to discover that he'd been turned in by the principal of the school. Find out more Listen to Tim Mansel's radio documentary Returning Jihadis - A Danish Solution? for Assignment on the BBC World Service. Click here for transmission times, or to listen via the BBC iPlayer. "The reason you are here," he was told, "is that your classmates are afraid, they think you are extremist and that you are capable of dangerous things. They think you have been radicalised in Saudi Arabia." Ahmed grins as he remembers all this. But it wasn't funny at the time - he had a vision of being put on the next flight to Guantanamo. "I was shocked," he says "and I had no words to defend myself." The police then told him they would need to search his home and that they would need the password to his email account and any other social media that he used. "I gave them everything and they searched my house and it was very humiliating to watch. When they left I was shocked and I was angry," he says. It got worse. All this had happened during the last week of school, and he had missed the end of year exams. The school, he told me, refused to allow him to sit them late. "That gave me a punch in the face, and gave me the feeling this society is total racist," he says. "They call me a terrorist? I will give them a terrorist if they want that." Ahmed smiles again as he recounts the story. It sounds foolish all these years later. Ahmed then told everything to his friends at the mosque. They were sympathetic, he says, and invited him home. There were long discussions about the hypocrisy of the West in its dealings with Muslims and Muslim countries. They watched a lot of jihadi videos online. Ahmed remembers in particular those that featured Anwar al-Awlaki, the radical American cleric of Yemeni descent, who was killed in a drone strike in 2011. "He would say things like, 'We are at war with the West, the West will kill all the Muslims around the world if we don't stand up to them,' and I was like, OK, and my friends were saying, 'Yeah, he's totally right.'" Finally someone drew Ahmed aside and suggested that if he wanted to learn more about Islam and be respected as a Muslim, he should go to Pakistan. "He told me about a school there, where they have good teachers and where they teach Islam in the best way." Ahmed says he told his father what he was planning. His father said he wouldn't try to stop him but advised him to finish high school first. Then the telephone rang. It was the police and they wanted to invite Ahmed out for a cup of coffee. He went, reluctantly. "Something inside me said these people are never going to leave you alone, so why don't you see them face-to-face and just say your opinion. So I went to the meeting and they gave me some coffee and we talked and I was angry and I said, 'You know what, I'm going to Pakistan. It's not illegal. I can do what I want. When I get the money, when I've finished high school, that's where I'm going. Sayonara. See you later.'" But the police had an offer. They wanted him to meet someone, another Muslim, they said, who could talk to him about his feelings and his anger in a way that they, the police could not. Ahmed smiles again as he remembers his indignant reaction. What kind of Muslim could this be? Clearly a traitor. This is how he met Mahmoud. And this is how he was introduced to what the world has now come to call the Aarhus Model. The Aarhus Model Ahmed says it took several months for him to relax. In the beginning he would frisk Mahmoud every time they met, because he wanted to check he wasn't wearing a microphone. He says their arguments were intense and he was frustrated that Mahmoud seemed to have a quiet, logical answer to everything. Ahmed says he asked his friends at the mosque for help, for arguments to defeat this "traitor who's working with the police". "But then I started to take my hands down - you know in boxing you have your fists up high - and I said I have to listen to this guy, this guy never gives up. "And he discussed with me in a logical way, in a way that I could understand that where I was going actually was dangerous. "Mahmoud said, 'Yes, you were treated wrong, that's correct, but what you are doing is you are ruining your own life if you go to Pakistan.'" This, said Ahmed, made sense to him. He wasn't being told that he couldn't be a Muslim. He was being told simply to be a good Muslim who doesn't hurt innocent people. "You can still be a Muslim and have a prosperous future in Denmark. You can be an asset to society, not a liability," he remembers Mahmoud telling him. Mahmoud is listening and nodding. "Actually Ahmed has told me that a lot of times, that if we hadn't had those conversations, he thinks that he would be in Pakistan now," he says. Ahmed graduated from high school and instead of going to Pakistan he went to university. He is about to graduate. He has also got married. "I'm happy right now. I see my future in Denmark. I couldn't see that before because it was all dark," he says. "And now that I'm actually finished with the programme. I hope that personally I'm going to be a mentor some day and help other people who have been in my situation." Listen to Tim Mansel's radio documentary Returning Jihadis - A Danish Solution? for Assignment on the BBC World Service. Click here for transmission times, or to listen via the BBC iPlayer. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

أصبح يُعرف باسم نموذج آرهوس، وهو برنامج مصمم في ثاني أكبر مدينة في الدنمارك لثني الشباب عن الذهاب للقتال في صفوف تنظيم القاعدة أو تنظيم الدولة الإسلامية. ثلاثون سافروا إلى سوريا في عام 2013، لكن اثنين فقط حتى الآن هذا العام - وواحد فقط في عام 2014. أحمد هو شاب اقتنع، قبل بضع سنوات، بالتراجع عن الخطوة الأولى في طريق كان من الممكن أن ينتهي بالجهاد. .

كيف تم التخلص من التطرف

By Gillian SharpeBBC Scotland As the film "Suffragette," opens in British cinemas there is renewed attention on that struggle, one in which Scotland played a vital part. "For a long time the suffrage movement, as far as history is concerned was located in London and the national leadership was located there too," says Dr Norman Watson, a journalist and historian who has researched the suffragettes for 30 years. But he points to the fact that Edinburgh had one of the earliest suffrage societies in the 1870s and by the period after 1905 Scotland was "punching above its weight" in the struggle for votes. There were plenty of opportunities to confront the establishment with then prime minister Herbert Asquith having his constituency in Fife and Winston Churchill as an MP for Dundee. He continues: "So with the militant women pledging to argue at every by-election at which the Liberal party stood because the Liberal party kept refusing them votes, this really catapulted the militancy episode into Scotland and all parts of Scotland were involved." When Churchill came to stand in Dundee in 1908 he was followed by 27 of the national leaders of women's suffrage movements. At one point he even hid in a shed and tried to hold a meeting there. There had been lots of campaigning for the vote towards the end of the 19th Century mainly using methods such at petitions, writing letters and badgering members of parliament. That changed in 1903 with the establishment by the Pankhursts, and others, of the Women's Social and Political Union. A branch was opened in Glasgow in 1906 and by 1908 its Scottish headquarters had been opened in the city. "At first the suffragettes tend to go down to England in order to commit some of the more militant acts," says Prof Sarah Pedersen of Robert Gordon University who is writing a book on the Scottish suffragettes. "We don't really get much militant suffrage activity going on Scotland until a couple of years before the First World War but once they get started they do quite a lot of damage." She points to the burning down of buildings, the grandstands at Ayr and Perth racecourses, the pouring of acid in post boxes to destroy the mail or burning the slogan 'votes for women' into the greens of golf courses with acid. "One of the things to note is that they were very careful not to actually harm or kill anyone with all these fires, the places they set fire to were empty. What they were hoping for was that the landowners and the insurance companies would put pressure on the government to give women the vote," she continues. A important point for the movement in Scotland was a big rally in Edinburgh in 1909. It was led by the formidable Flora Drummond, riding on horseback. A key figure in the movement, she had grown up in Arran. Edinburgh had a rather less positive claim to fame too though. It was here that the suffragette Ethel Moorhead became the first in Scotland to be force-fed, a practice which came later north of the border. "There were two prisons in Scotland that did force feed," says Donna Moore of the Glasgow Women's Library. "One was Edinburgh," she continues "although slightly reluctantly, but the main one was Perth and, in fact, when there was a royal visit to Perth there were signs outside saying welcome to your majesty's torture chamber in Perth prison." Ms Moore is fascinated by the stories of suffragettes, stories which she feels deserve to be better known. Earlier in the year a group of women took part in a public art event, called "March of Women", from the Glasgow Women's Library to Glasgow Green. The idea was to celebrate women's history and achievements, past and present. The site was chosen as the green had been the venue for many rallies and marches by both suffragettes and suffragists. World War One is often credited with bringing some women the vote in 1918. But Norman Watson says "in many respects we forget about the valuable work that the constitutionalists did, the non-militant women". He reckons there were perhaps 100 plus militant suffragettes in Scotland, but thousands who were pursuing similar aims but by different means. "My view is that by 1914 when the worst of the forcible feeding was happening I think we were heading towards the government giving in, and I actually think the women might have got the vote in 1916, two years before they did."

من رمي بيضة على ونستون تشرشل، إلى مسيرة ضخمة من أجل الاقتراع في إدنبرة، إلى أهوال التغذية القسرية، كان المطالبون بحق المرأة في التصويت في اسكتلندا والمطالبون بحق الاقتراع الأكثر تدرجًا جزءًا مهمًا من النضال من أجل أصوات النساء.

دور المرأة الاسكتلندية في حركة حق الاقتراع

The men discussed murdering "tyrants" and trying the governor for "treason", according to court documents. They met repeatedly over the summer for arms training and combat drills, the FBI said, and co-ordinated surveillance around the governor's vacation home. And they are among a growing number of paramilitary groups mobilising across the US. So who are militia men, what do they believe and what does the law say? What are US militia groups? The term has a complex history. The Militia Act of 1903 created the National Guard as a reserve for the Army, managed by each state with federal funding, and defined the "unorganised militia" as men between 17 and 45 years of age who were not part of the military or guard. Today, the National Guard is community-based and are deployed by the governor of its respective state, often for weather-related emergencies or instances of civil unrest, such as the protests against policing practices earlier this year. Militia groups, in contrast, do not report to a governmental authority, and many organise around an explicitly anti-government sentiment. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), an advocacy organisation, defines current US militia groups as the armed subset of the anti-government movement. These groups engage in military exercises and gun training, and generally believe in conspiracies regarding the federal government. They focus on protecting second amendment rights - or the right to bear arms granted by the US constitution. Heidi Beirich, director of the SPLC's Intelligence Project, describes the militia movement as "American, born and bred". Many of these militia groups hold a "romanticised" view of the US revolutionary era, she told the BBC, with notions that they, like the colonists who fought British rule, are "the ultimate protectors of the nation". The III% Security Force militia group describes themselves in such a way - a coalition "intended for the defence of the populace from enemies foreign and domestic". "At such a point as the government intends to use the physical power granted it by those who implemented it against them, it then becomes the responsibility of the people themselves to defend their country from its government," the militia's website states. While there are militia-type formations in other countries, Ms Beirich says the revolutionary past of the groups in the US has made them more unique when it comes to movements with "conspiratorial ideas of an evil federal government". What exactly do they believe? "Their number one issue, no matter what, is about protecting the second amendment," says Ms Beirich. "These are organisations that believe there are conspiracies afoot to take away their weapons." Militia are not the same as the white supremacy movement or the alt-right movement, she emphasises. They are not advocating white rule, for example, though they do share some beliefs with these movements. Two of the biggest militia incidents in recent years were the Bunkerville standoff - when militia ran federal officials off a rancher's land, believing the government was there to seize cattle - and a similar standoff in Oregon, where militia took over a wildlife refuge in protest of government "interference" in ranchers' lives. But in recent years, Ms Beirich says, the militia movement has overlapped increasingly with anti-immigration views. She notes that those ideas predated Donald Trump's presidency, but his election win emboldened the movement. "Although these groups have always hated the federal government, they're pretty big fans of Donald Trump, so they're in an awkward position where they support Trump but believe there's a deep state conspiracy against him." It's a connection that Governor Whitmer referenced this week as she addressed the plot against her, accusing the president of "giving comfort to those who spread fear and hatred and division". The president argued he should be thanked because federal investigators eliminated the alleged threat against her. In recent years, militias have begun to work openly with white supremacists, which was rare in the past, Ms Beirich says. Members of the III% militia, for example, turned up at the far-right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia in 2016. "That's a toxic brew we have to be concerned about," Ms Beirich says. And in a report released this week, the Department of Homeland Security said white supremacist extremists remain the deadliest domestic terror threat to the US. The report echoes testimony from FBI director Christopher Wray in September, saying that "racially motivated violent extremism", mostly from white supremacists, make up the majority of domestic terrorism threats. How many militia groups are there? Whenever there is talk of gun control on Capitol Hill, membership rises in militias nationwide. In 2019, the SPLC identified 576 extreme anti-government groups that were active in 2019, down from 612 in 2018. Of these groups, 181 were militias. Given how secretive these organisations can be, however, that figure is likely an undercount. "The number of these groups skyrocketed in the Obama era," Ms Beirich says. "Obama never moved on gun control, barely spoke on it, but they viewed him as an existential threat." A similar situation happened under Democratic President Bill Clinton, she notes. The militia movement views Republicans as a party that is protective of gun rights, unlike Democrats. In 2008, the last year of Republican President George W Bush's term, the SPLC reported 149 anti-government groups. The next year, under Democratic President Obama, that number jumped to 512, reaching a peak of 1,360 in 2012. Is this legal? Yes, depending on the state in which a militia is located. All states have laws barring private military activity, but it varies when it comes to paramilitary or militia organising. "There are very few rules in the US about what people with guns," Ms Beirich says. "Many of them frame holding military training exercises as their right with the second amendment, exercising their right to bear arms." According to a 2018 report by Georgetown University, 25 states criminalise kinds of paramilitary activity, making it illegal to teach firearm or explosive use or assemble to train with such devices with the intent to use such knowledge "in furtherance of a civil disorder". Twenty-eight states have statutes prohibiting private militias without the prior authorisation of the state government. "Not all militias are involved in the same kinds of activities," Ms Beirich notes. "If people are engaged in exercising their constitutional rights under the second amendment in states that don't ban the kinds of activities they undertake, they have every right to engage."

قال مكتب التحقيقات الفيدرالي (FBI) إنه أحبط مؤامرة لاختطاف حاكمة ولاية ميشيغان، غريتشن ويتمير، من قبل ستة رجال متورطين مع جماعة ميليشيا مسلحة. أصبح المحافظ هدفاً للغضب المناهض للحكومة بعد سن إجراءات صارمة للتباعد الاجتماعي منذ ظهور جائحة فيروس كورونا.

"مؤامرة" ميشيغان: من هي الميليشيات الأمريكية؟

Yemen's health, water and sanitation systems are collapsing after two years of war between government forces - backed by a Saudi-led coalition carrying out air strikes - and the rebel Houthi movement. The conflict and a blockade imposed by the coalition have triggered a humanitarian disaster, leaving 70% of the population in need of aid. Orla has been tweeting about what she saw. In a hospital in Aden, Orla saw staff battle to save the life of an elderly cholera victim - Abdullah Mohammed Salem - who was brought into the building without a pulse. Cholera is an acute diarrhoeal infection caused by ingestion of food or water contaminated with the bacterium Vibrio cholera. Most of those infected will have no or mild symptoms but, in severe cases, the disease can kill within hours if left untreated. Hundreds of thousands of Yemenis have contracted cholera in recent months, making it the worst outbreak in history. Hospitals are overcrowded and severe food shortages have led to widespread malnutrition, making people - especially children - even more vulnerable to the infection. Some 60% of Yemenis do not know where their next meal will come from and the World Food Programme is warning of the danger of famine. Doctors told the BBC that Yemen was in danger of losing its future, with 500,000 children now severely malnourished. In two years of war, houses, hospitals and schools have been destroyed by Saudi airstrikes and more than 3,000 civilians have been killed. Some people are living in the rubble of what were once their homes. Yet despite the destruction, no side appears close to a decisive military victory. Pro-government forces - made up of soldiers loyal to internationally-recognised President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi and predominantly Sunni southern tribesmen and separatists - stopped the rebels taking Aden. Mr Hadi and his government have returned from exile and established a temporary home there. But they have been unable to dislodge the rebels from their northern strongholds, including the capital Sanaa. The sides have drifted into stalemate - but the human suffering continues unabated.

وسط تحذيرات الأمم المتحدة من الوضع الإنساني المتردي في اليمن، تغلبت مراسلة بي بي سي أورلا غيرين على محاولات المملكة العربية السعودية لمنع فريقها من دخول البلاد، وشاهدت بنفسها عمق المعاناة.

الصراع في اليمن: معاناة أمة مع انتشار الكوليرا والجوع

Josephine Gordon from Cotgrave in Nottinghamshire died on 12 May at Trethvas Farm, on the Lizard, in Cornwall. Devon and Cornwall Police previously said the girl was hit by a car towing a caravan. Emergency services, including the air ambulance, were called to the campsite but she died at the scene. Follow BBC News South West on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram. Send your story ideas to [email protected]. Related Internet Links Cornwall Coroner

تم فتح تحقيق في وفاة طفلة تبلغ من العمر سنة واحدة، بعد أن صدمتها سيارة في مخيم.

فتح تحقيق في وفاة طفل في موقع معسكر كورنوال

The proposal is to ban all vehicles other than buses and taxis using the eastbound side of Dorchester Street for an 18-month trial period. The carriageway between St James Parade and the railway station would become a bus lane between 10:00 and 16:00 BST under the new scheme. The local authority believes the £20,000 scheme will reduce congestion. A bus gate is already in operation between Northgate Street and Pulteney Bridge.

من المتوقع أن يتخذ أعضاء المجلس قرارًا بشأن خطط إنشاء بوابة ثانية للحافلات في وسط مدينة باث يوم الأربعاء.

قرار تقييد حركة المرور على بوابة حافلة الحمام واجب

Nicholas Anthony Churton, 67, was found dead at an address in Crescent Close, Wrexham, at 08:20 BST last Monday. An inquest into his death was opened and adjourned on Monday, with the provisional cause of death detailed. Jordan Davidson, 25, will appear before Mold Crown Court on Tuesday charged with murder, robbery, burglary and offences against police officers.

توفي صاحب حانة النبيذ السابق، الذي يُعتقد أنه قُتل، متأثرًا بصدمة في الرأس، حسبما سمع التحقيق.

جريمة قتل ريكسهام: نيكولاس تشورتون عانى من "صدمة في الرأس"

By Saroj PathiranaBBC World Service Indika Waduge remembers the red car driving off with his mother and sister, Nilanthi, inside. He and his other sister Damayanthi stayed at home and waited for their mother to return. When she came back the next day, she was alone. "When we said goodbye to each other I never thought Nilanthi was about to go abroad or it was the last time we'd see each other," he says. This was in either 1985 or 1986, when Indika's father had left his mother Panikkarge Somawathie to raise three children alone. As the family struggled to survive, he remembers a man his mother knew convincing her to give Nilanthi, who was four or five, up for adoption. Indika says this man was a broker for a "baby farm" in a suburb of the capital, Colombo, called Kotahena. He claims that while a female clerical officer at a court and her husband ran it, it was the broker who arranged the adoption for foreign parents - mainly Dutch couples. Somawathie knew it was a centre that arranged babies for adoption as a business, says her son. But at the time, she felt she had no choice. She was paid about 1,500 Sri Lankan rupees (approximately $55 at the time). "She did it because she couldn't feed all three of us," Indika says. "I don't blame her." Indika remembers visiting the baby farm with both his parents before Nilanthi was given away, although he cannot recall why. He describes a two-storey house where several mothers with babies were sleeping on mats on the floor. "It was a dirty slum, it was like a hospital hall," he says. "I now understand that it was a baby farm. They would look after the mothers until they give birth and then sell the babies. They were doing a profitable business there." A few years later, during the uprising of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front) against the state, some 60,000 people were killed. Indika says one of them was the baby farm broker, who was burnt to death in his car - it was "all over the media", he says, and when he saw the picture of the vehicle, he knew it was the same one that had driven off with his sister. Indika, 42, says his mother is unwell and he is desperately trying to find Nilanthi, who he believes went to live in either the Netherlands or Austria, but he doesn't even have a single photograph of her. "My mother is 63. Her only hope is to see my sister before she dies. So I'm doing this to fulfil my mother's wish." It is a desire shared by many mothers who felt they had to give their children away. Ranaweera Arachchilage Yasawathi insists she had no intention of selling her baby, but she did because of the social taboo of being a single unmarried mother. "It was the best decision I could take at the moment, but it was a very painful thing," she says. "I was not thinking about myself but about my baby. I was not in a position to look after him. And I was afraid of the reaction from society." Sri Lanka is a conservative society made up of mostly Sinhalese and Buddhist nationals. Sex before marriage was then, and still is, a huge taboo and abortions are illegal. Yasawathi became pregnant at 17 by an older man she fell in love with while walking to school in 1983. Despite her older brothers disapproving of the relationship, she moved into her boyfriend's family home, although she says she "wasn't that keen to go - I was very young and vulnerable". To begin with, he was nice to her, she said, but his behaviour changed. She learned he was having other relationships. After six or seven months, he took her back to her family's home and vanished. When her brothers and sister learned she was two months pregnant, they threw her out. Desperate, Yasawathi approached a local female marriage registrar for help. When it was time to give birth, the registrar introduced her to a hospital attendant in the city of Rathnapura who arranged the adoption of her son, Jagath Rathnayaka. He was born on 24 December 1984. "Nobody was there to look after me when I gave birth. I was in the hospital for about two weeks and then I was taken to a place like an orphanage in Colombo. I don't remember the details or where exactly it was, but there were four or five others like me there," she says. "It was there a white couple took my son for adoption but I didn't know where they were from. I was given 2,000 Sri Lankan rupees (approximately $85 in 1983) and a bag of clothes to take home. That's all I received. "I suffered a lot. I even tried to take my own life." A few months later, she received a letter from a couple in Amsterdam containing a picture of her son. "I don't read or speak English. Somebody who knows the language told me that it said my son was doing well. The adoptive parents also expressed gratitude for giving them my child. I have never received any information about my son since." Yasawathi, who lives in the rural town of Godakawela, later married and had another son and two daughters. The 56-year-old says not knowing where her first son is has left a void in her heart. But even now, she remains worried that finding him would cause a backlash in Sri Lankan society. "Whenever I see a white lady I feel like asking her whether she knows anything about my son. I am very helpless today," she says, her voice breaking. "I hope nobody ever should experience what happened to me. My only wish is to see my first son before I die." In 2017, the Sri Lankan health minister admitted on a Dutch current affairs programme that thousands of babies had been fraudulently sold for adoption abroad in the 1980s. Up to 11,000 children may have been sold to European families, with both parties being given fake documents. About 4,000 children are thought to have ended up with families in the Netherlands, with others going to other European countries such as Sweden, Denmark, Germany and the UK. Some were reportedly born into "baby farms" that sold children to the West - leading to a temporary ban by the Sri Lankan authorities in 1987 on foreign adoptions. Tharidi Fonseka, who has researched the adoptions for more than 15 years, says there were indications some influential and powerful people might have cashed in on the predicaments of desperate women. Hospital workers, lawyers and probation officers all profited, according to Andrew Silva, a tourist guide in Sri Lanka who has helped reunite about 165 adopted children with their biological mothers. He started to help people in 2000 after a Dutch national donated some kits to the football team he played for. They became friends and the Dutch man asked Andrew whether he could help some of his friends in the Netherlands find their birth mothers. Since then, Andrew has also been approached by Sri Lankan mothers. "I heard from some mothers that certain hospital workers were involved in selling those babies," he says. "They were looking for vulnerable, young mothers and offered their 'help' to find a better home for their babies. "Some mothers told me that some lawyers and court officials kept babies in certain places until one of them could act as a magistrate to issue the adoption orders." The idea that influential people were involved in the adoption ring is not uncommon in these women's stories. When Kariyapperuma Athukorale Don Sumithra became pregnant with her third child in 1981, she and her husband knew they could not keep her and turned to a local pastor in Colombo. She says he arranged the adoption of their baby, who was born in November, and gave them 50,000 Sri Lankan rupees (approximately $2,600 at the time). But they were not given any documents. "We didn't have anywhere to live and no particular income. Together we decided to give our daughter away, she was about two or three weeks old," says Sumithra. "When I asked the pastor he always said, 'don't worry, your child is fine,' but I don't know anything about her." Sumithra had another son afterwards but says thinking about her daughter causes her constant pain. The 65-year-old, who lives in Kaduwela, desperately wants to find her child, but she lost the only photos she had of her in a flood and she no longer has contact details for the pastor. "My second daughter tells me, 'Let's go and find that pastor'. My only request is please help me find my daughter." Andrew Silva has tried to help Sumithra, but so far his efforts have failed. He says his search is often hampered by the fact women were given forged documents and false details. The adopted children often find it just as hard to trace their biological families and even if they are successful, the outcome can be heartbreaking. The first time Nimal Samantha Van Oort visited Sri Lanka in 2001, he met a man from a travel agency who offered to help find the mother who gave him and his twin brother up for adoption at six weeks old in 1984. It wasn't until 2003 that he received a phone call from the man saying he had found the birth family but it wasn't good news - the twins' mother had died in 1986, aged 21, three months after giving birth to a daughter. "It was the darkest day of my life, and my brother's," says Nimal Samantha. "I always wanted to find out how she was and the reason why she gave me away because she was the woman who gave me my life. "The most important thing was for me to find out whether she was doing well." Nimal Samantha later helped set up a non-profit called the Nona Foundation - named after his mother - with a group of Sri Lankan adoptees. It has so far helped 1,600 girls who are victims of sexual violence and human trafficking in Sri Lanka by funding orphanages, housing victims and paying for education and training. In September, Nimal Samantha was knighted for his work by the king of the Netherlands during a surprise visit from a royal representative at a foundation board meeting. "It was a shock but a big honour and very nice recognition," he says. Nimal Samantha believes the Dutch government's decision to ban all adoptions from abroad is "not the best solution". However, officials have warned the Netherlands' adoption system is still susceptible to fraud following a two year investigation which highlighted "serious violations" in the process of adopting children from countries including Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Brazil and Colombia from 1967 to 1997. Though the fraudulent and secretive nature of many of the adoptions has often made tracing relatives difficult, there have been some happy reunions. Sanul Wilmer was born in Colombo on 27 February 1984. He stayed with his mother at an orphanage in Dehiwala before he was adopted, legitimately, at ten weeks old. "I knew I was an adopted child from the childhood. So I always wanted to meet my biological parents," he says. "I always felt this identity crisis within me - who am I? I am a Sri Lankan by the look, but a Dutch due to my upbringing. I was always curious about my origins." He began writing to his adoption agency in the Netherlands for help tracing his biological family when he was eight. He finally got a reply at 15 and the agency was able to trace his mother, who he met the following year. "I found out I had a sister and a brother and that my father was still with my mother. We all went to visit my family in Horana, which was very exciting, emotional and sad at the same time," he says. "I was happy to meet them but I was sad that I couldn't talk to them as I didn't speak Sinhala and they didn't understand English. I felt sorry I had such a different life from theirs." The 37-year-old, who is a physician associate at the University Medical Centre of Utrecht in Amsterdam, is now a Sinhala language teacher for adopted children like himself. He says his mother told him why she had given him away, but he does not want to reveal the reason for fear of hurting her. Sanul says he holds no ill-will towards her and regularly visits her in Sri Lanka, while she and his younger brother also attended Sanul's wedding in Amsterdam in 2019. "I'm a happy man because I found out that I have a brother and sister," he says. The Dutch government revealed in February that its officials were aware of wrongdoing for years and had failed to intervene. It recently said a future cabinet would have to decide how to proceed with overseas adoptions. Sri Lanka's co-cabinet spokesman, minister Keheliya Rambukwella, told the BBC that the illegal adoptions that took place in Sri Lanka during the late 1980s were "mixed together with tourism". He said he would raise the Dutch government's decision at the next cabinet meeting, adding: "Currently the issue is not that bad, but I wouldn't say it is not happening now."

تم عرض آلاف الأطفال السريلانكيين للتبني بين ستينيات وثمانينيات القرن العشرين، وباع بعضهم عن طريق "مزارع الأطفال" لآباء محتملين في جميع أنحاء أوروبا. وهولندا، التي قبلت العديد من هؤلاء الأطفال، علقت مؤخراً عمليات التبني الدولية في أعقاب مزاعم تاريخية بالإكراه والرشوة. وبينما يتكشف هذا التحقيق، فإن العائلات التي لم تتوقف أبدًا عن التفكير في الأطفال الذين اختفوا، تأمل في لم شملهم.

تبني سريلانكا: الأطفال الذين تم التخلي عنهم

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تم إرسال مجموعة مختارة من صورك لاسكتلندا في الفترة ما بين 30 أكتوبر و6 نوفمبر. أرسل صورك إلى [email protected]. يرجى التأكد من التزامك بقواعد بي بي سي فيما يتعلق بالصور التي يمكن العثور عليها هنا.

صورك لاسكتلندا 30 أكتوبر - 6 نوفمبر

By David SternBBC News, Kiev But the extent of this revolution at the ballot box is still unclear. The vote could produce a steam-roller super majority of two-thirds of the deputies for President Petro Poroshenko. Or it could prepare the ground for even more political turmoil. At the moment, pro-government parties have swept the proportional vote, which determines half of parliament's 450 seats. Exit polls showed the parties of President Poroshenko, Prime Minister Arseniy Yatseniuk and mayor of the western city of Lviv, Andriy Sadoviy, winning the top three spots. Mr Poroshenko claimed that more than three-quarters of the electorate "powerfully and irreversibly" supported a pro-European course. "I asked you to vote for democratic, reformist, pro-Ukrainian and pro-European majority. Thank you for hearing and supporting this call," Mr Poroshenko said on his website. However, with great power also comes great responsibility. If he fails to deliver on the promises and demands of the Maidan revolution, he will have no excuses left. In gambling vernacular, he now finds himself in the position of "put up, or shut up". He also risks going too far. Since he might not face substantive opposition, he could have a free hand to push through bad policies as well. This is particularly dangerous, since - despite the seeming consensus on a European trajectory - Ukraine is still to a degree a divided country. Preliminary election results indicate that turnout was low in many eastern and southern regions. What's more, the Opposition Bloc party, which consisted of the remains of former President Viktor Yanukovych's party, is so far winning in key, supposedly government-friendly, areas such as Kharkiv and Dnipropetrovsk. The mood in Donetsk and Luhansk, after suffering through months of brutal fighting, is even more ill-disposed towards Kiev. It would seem Mr Poroshenko would be wise to tread carefully when pursuing policies unpopular in the east. 'European values' Moreover, not all of the reforms will be universally welcomed, regardless of the region. Raising gas prices to market levels could potentially unleash a public backlash. Streamlining bureaucracy will affect perhaps tens of thousands of government workers and their families. The pro-government camp itself is also potentially a source of unrest, divided as it is among a variety of personalities, ambitions and different opinions on how to tackle Ukraine's manifold problems. Mr Poroshenko and Mr Yatseniuk, for example, could not unite in a single party before the election. Many saw this as an example of Ukrainian politics-as-usual, driven sometimes more by personalities and egos than by issues. Politicians across the political spectrum also says that they are for "European values" and "rule of law". But what that actually means to them personally, when push comes to shove, is still to be discovered. In the end, what's most important is that there's a general agreement - and a consuming desire - among a large number of the political class to change the how the system works in Ukraine. To do something. And if they don't, there are masses of people who are ready to take to the streets to remind them through protests - or more extreme measures.

أدت الانتخابات البرلمانية المبكرة التي جرت في أوكرانيا يوم الأحد إلى تحول هائل في المشهد السياسي، مما أدى لأول مرة إلى ظهور ما يبدو أنه أغلبية مؤيدة للغرب تدعم إصلاحات واسعة النطاق.

تحقيق التوازن مع الرئيس الأوكراني بيترو بوروشينكو

The Exeter-based airline said it will operate "up to three times a day" from 15 March. Flybe's chief commercial officer Paul Simmons said bolstering regional connectivity is their number one aim. The company also announced extra flights from Stansted to Newcastle and Newquay. A spokeswoman for the Isle of Man airport said it was "good news for Manx passengers".

أعلنت شركة Flybe أنها ستقوم بتشغيل خدمة جديدة بين مطار رونالدزواي في جزيرة مان ولندن ستانستد في عام 2015.

تعلن شركة Flybe عن طريق جزيرة آيل أوف مان إلى لندن ستانستيد لعام 2015

Carla Herbertson, from the Netherlands: I came here as an au-pair when I was 17 and then returned after university to work as a journalist. I married an Englishman and have two children who are six and three. They are both British citizens but I'm still Dutch. I'm so against leaving Europe out of principle. I was able to come and work and establish myself in Britain. I've lived here for 18 years, I pay taxes and am an active part of society. I was even called for jury duty, so I'm really frustrated that I can't vote. I get upset about it because I feel powerless. It's even more important than a national election. As a European citizen it really affects me. However, I won't go for British citizenship. Even though I feel part of British society and I love living here, being Dutch is part of my identity. I shouldn't have to give that up. Anna Rigano, from Italy: I've lived in Britain since 1996. I came here to work and study after university and ended up moving to London to live with an English boyfriend. I instinctively think Britain should leave the EU. I think Italy lost a lot of its identity when it joined the euro and I'm against big centralised governments. I'm not too worried about my own position as I think I should have the right to remain. I have always loved the English language and grew up singing British pop songs. I also enjoy comedy like Monty Python, Black Adder and Peter Cook. I think the British are good at laughing at themselves. Today I work as a freelance translator and live in a village in West Sussex with my teenage daughter. We are both Italian citizens although my daughter's father is English. We are very much part of the community. I buy my food locally and am part of the local choir and film society. I think British people have more get up and go, I like that you don't take ages over lunchtime. While I think it's good to be European in terms of exchange of culture, I think it's better to have smaller, more independent powers. Cecile Bonnet, from France: We moved to Britain from the US six years ago for my husband's job. I work in sales and marketing, although I'm currently on maternity leave. We bought a house when we settled here - our street in London is really diverse and we love that. I feel part of Britain. We drink a lot of tea at home and I love watching the Great British Bake Off. We also like the Queen. My daughter sent her a 90th birthday card and if we pass Windsor she will say: "That's my Queen's castle." My husband is originally from Pakistan and last year he got permanent residence in the UK. He is now applying for British citizenship. My daughter already has British citizenship and I have applied for permanent residency. I want us all to become British citizens. My husband will be able to vote in the referendum as he is a Commonwealth citizen but I won't be able to. If I could vote I would want to stay in. I am worried that Britain could become isolated if it breaks from Europe. I still have lots of ties to France. My parents are over there and I'm worried that leaving could make it more difficult to travel. My parents currently just use their French ID to come and visit us, but they may now need to pay for passports. I don't think any of the campaign groups have been clear on what will happen to Europeans living in the UK if Britain votes to leave. I'm concerned that it may make it more difficult for students to travel. When I was younger I went to study in Spain for six months and it was such a good opportunity to open my mind and experience a different culture. I would hate to see that cut off. Gianluca Galli, from Italy: I came across to the UK in 2008 to find work. I am now a software engineer and live in a flatshare in London. I love living in the city. You meet people from so many different cultures. London is a city that gives opportunities to everyone who looks for them. I help organise courses through a website, where up to 30 people meet and share skills and use it for networking. I have no plans to go back to Italy and hope I can continue to work here. I have a job so it may just be a case of getting a visa. London especially needs foreign workers. If I could vote in the referendum I would vote to stay but I don't think Europe should stay as it is. Europe needs to change but I don't think Britain leaving would be the solution. Pia Foss, from Denmark: I travelled to Britain in 1987 after I finished school. I wanted to improve my English and ended up staying here. I work in customer services in a museum and live in London. After a few years, a Danish friend back home said she could tell I'd been living in England because I was more courteous. I like living in Britain as people are freer to do their own thing. I find the rest of Europe is quite conformist. My three children were born in this country but they were all officially Danish citizens because although their father is British we weren't married. My eldest daughter, who is 23, became a British citizen a while ago but my youngest two haven't. I'm worried about what will happen if we do leave Europe. If there were problems staying in Britain I guess I would apply for naturalisation, even though I still feel Danish. However, my youngest daughter is 17 and isn't sure what to do as she needs to consider that university education is free in Denmark. I feel that we've been forgotten about in the debate. I've lived in Britain most of my life but I can't vote in the referendum. I think it shows a British attitude of not feeling part of Europe - we're not even part of the picture. The Remain Campaign seems to be scared to be passionate about being pro-Europe, instead they are presenting it as the lesser of two evils. Reporting by Claire Bates Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

حوالي ثلاثة ملايين شخص يعيشون في المملكة المتحدة هم مواطنون في دولة أخرى في الاتحاد الأوروبي. يعيش الكثيرون هنا منذ عقود ويعتبرون بريطانيا وطنهم، لكنهم لا يستطيعون التصويت في الاستفتاء على البقاء في الاتحاد الأوروبي. إذن ما رأيهم في التصويت؟

ممنوعون من التصويت على مستقبلهم

Karishma VaswaniAsia business correspondent@KarishmaBBCon Twitter He eventually gets unceremoniously dumped, and family empire is back in the hands of big boss - at least, for four months until a new leader is found. Except that this time - the ousted chairman has struck back - via email. All of this is a bit tongue-in-cheek, of course, and frankly it is grossly unfair to call Cyrus Mistry an outsider, given his corporate history and achievements - but you get the idea. When the scion of Indian business Ratan Tata handed over the reins of his $100bn (£88.9bn) empire to Mr Mistry four years ago, the decision was greeted with much fanfare in the Indian press. Fighting back These days, that adulation is gone. Instead, newspaper headlines in India are filled with questions and concerns about what Mr Mistry must have done to be booted out as chairman by the board of directors at Tata Sons (the holding company of the Tata Group). But in a twist worthy of an Indian telenovella, Mr Mistry is fighting back. He's written an email detailing how he was basically a "lame-duck" as the Tata's group boss, because of regular meddling by his predecessor, Mr Ratan Tata. He also alleges that the company is at risk of billions of dollars in writedowns as a result of some of the problems Mr Mistry inherited, and couldn't fix. The Tata group or Mr Ratan Tata haven't commented on the feud but media reports say that the fight between the two has been a long time coming. Old school vs business school? Primarily the reason appears to be a difference in strategy - Mr Mistry's more brusque, business-school management style, in comparison to Mr Tata's old-school, Indian industrialist style way of doing business. It's thought the 78 year old Indian magnate also took issue with some of the decisions Mr Mistry made - in particular how he dealt with the European steel assets, and his disdain for Mr Tata's prized mini car-project - the Nano. It is highly unusual for an affair of this nature to be made so public within India's business circles. Even when Mukesh and Anil Ambani, two of the richest men in the country - who happen to be brothers - had a falling out, the spat was contained to innuendoes in press releases and leaks to the press. Mr Mistry's decision to send an email to the board, and then for that email to find its way into the mainstream press is likely to raise lots of questions about just what kind of business the Tatas are running. A story set to continue The issues he's raised - of corporate governance, alleged fraud, and white elephant projects - aren't going to infuse investors with a great deal of confidence about the firm's future - and that's already evident in the way they've been punishing Tata shares. Expect that to continue, especially if there's a protracted legal battle between the two sides. The Tata Group is a company that arguably has been as much of the Indian psyche as Bollywood is. Ask any young Indians about where they'd like to work, and chances are the name Tata won't be too far from their minds. The damage to its reputation from this public spat will be hard to live down. But to borrow a phrase from a popular Hindi film - "picture abhi baakhi hai mere dost" - or in other words, this story isn't finished yet, by any measure.

إنها المادة التي تُصنع منها أفلام بوليوود الرائجة: يقوم الرئيس الكبير بتعيين شخص غريب كرئيس جديد لإدارة إمبراطورية العائلة. يحاول سعيد الخارجي تغيير استراتيجية الرئيس الكبير والقيام بالأشياء على طريقته - للتخلص من المشاريع القريبة من قلب الرئيس الكبير.

دراما بوليوود في قاعة مجلس الإدارة: مشاكل تاتا

By Mark LowenBBC News, Istanbul His family, ethnic Armenians from Turkey, moved into their Istanbul apartment at the start of 2011. Sevag was finishing his military service in the south-east. On 24 April, aged 25, he was shot dead by a fellow recruit. The judge called it an accident, sentencing the killer to four years in prison. The family is convinced it was an intentional act by a Turkish nationalist, timed for maximum effect. The 24th April is the date on which Armenians commemorate the darkest moment in their history: when - 100 years ago this week - they began to be rounded up in a crumbling Ottoman Empire and were deported or killed. Armenia says 1.5 million were systematically murdered, calling it "genocide". Turkey fiercely rejects the label, insisting far fewer died - many of starvation or disease - and that the deaths of Turks have been ignored. 'The same fate' As the centenary of the tragedy approaches, historical narratives are colliding. "The genocide was being commemorated and the killer wanted to intimidate people through my son," says Ani Balikci, Sevag's mother. "An Armenian had to die on that day - and Sevag was available. "The authorities have leant on witnesses to change statements - it suits them to say it's an accident." She shows me her son's room, which she has kept as it was. "We can't throw out his belongings because it would be like saying goodbye to him," she says, her tears flowing. "A century ago, my family were killed in the genocide - and now one of their descendants, my son, has met the same fate." Hushed up Armenians had long been treated as second-class citizens in the Ottoman Empire, their sporadic revolts ruthlessly suppressed. As World War One raged, Ottoman leaders blamed faltering national cohesion for losses in the Balkans and elsewhere, seeing the Armenian minority as a threat. Armenian genocide dispute Find out more about what happened From a pre-war Armenian population of two million, just 50,000 remain in Turkey today. Around 20 countries, including France, Italy and Canada, officially recognise the killings as genocide. But for decades Turks grew up unaware of what happened in 1915. Textbooks omitted it; political leaders hushed it up, pursuing the "Turkification" of society. When it was finally talked about here, the official Turkish version called it "the Armenian events". But in the past decade, history classes at some universities have begun to address the period and a small liberal fringe has spoken out. Three hundred Turkish intellectuals signed a petition asking Armenia for forgiveness, among them Ahmet Insel, a professor at Galatasaray University. "This was a genocide and a crime against humanity," he says, standing outside the Islamic Arts museum in Istanbul, the site where the first Armenians were rounded up. "Turkey has a moral obligation to recognise it as such, so as to become a civilised modern democracy." He says he does not expect formal recognition within the next 10 years. "The charge of genocide could mean Armenians claim financial compensation from Turkey - that's one factor holding it back." Rhetoric hardened The current government has slowly moved forward on the issue, returning some confiscated properties to Armenians. And, last year, the then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan - now President - offered his "condolences" to families of the victims, calling the killings "inhumane". It was the furthest a political leader had gone in Turkey, but was rejected by Armenia for dodging the word "genocide". In the run-up to the centenary, the rhetoric has again hardened. When Pope Francis said two weeks ago that Armenians had suffered "the first genocide of the 20th Century" Mr Erdogan hit back, saying he "condemned" the Pope, warning him not to "repeat the mistake". Partly the president is shoring up core nationalist votes ahead of an election in June. But partly too, Turkey, which cares so much for its prestige and strongman image, recoils at a word linked with Rwanda, Srebrenica and Auschwitz. 'Distract attention' Perhaps no clearer example of the reluctance to mark the killings will come on the anniversary itself, when Turkey will instead lavishly commemorate 100 years since the Gallipoli campaign: the victory of Ottoman forces over invading Allied troops. It is never remembered on 24 April but this year the ceremony will fall on that day - critics say to overshadow the Armenian anniversary. President Erdogan invited world leaders to Gallipoli, including Armenia's president, who sent an angry rejection, calling it "an attempt to distract attention". Most leaders have declined the invitation. On the shores of the Bosphorus in Istanbul, the far-right MHP party is campaigning for the election, repeating its unrepentant line on Armenia. "There was no genocide," says Hakan Aslan, the party's regional head. "All the ethnic groups who paid their taxes to the Ottoman Empire and weren't traitors lived in peace." Meanwhile at the heart of Istanbul's Armenian cemetery lies the grave of Sevag Balikci. A marble slab bears his name, picture and the date: 24 April 2011. But among the surrounding graves, not a single one dates from 1915. In fact, there is no cemetery in Turkey dedicated to those victims, such is the refusal to mark what happened. A sign, say Turkey's critics, of a country still unable to face its past.

لم يتمكن سيفاج باليكجي من رؤية غرفة نومه الجديدة أبدًا.

لا تزال المأساة الأرمنية قائمة في تركيا بعد مرور 100 عام

Public Services says traces of Perfluorooctane sulfonic acid (PFOS) were found in ground water at the site. Officials say they want the chemical gone to protect water supplies. The contamination dates to 1999, when a cargo plane carrying newspapers crashed on approach to Guernsey airport. Two pilots died.

سيبدأ العمل على إزالة التربة في أحد الحقول الواقعة قبالة طريق فورست رود في غيرنسي، والتي كانت ملوثة بمادة كيميائية لمكافحة الحرائق، في الأشهر القليلة المقبلة.

ولايات غيرنسي لتنظيف التربة الملوثة

Dominic CascianiHome affairs correspondent@BBCDomCon Twitter Alongside the news reporters and feature writers, there was a department of criminality - a conspiracy at the heart of his newspaper to get the story at any cost. The conspiracy reached the parts of people's private lives that the competition couldn't even know about. The ultimate aim was to ensure that the News of the World remained Britain's biggest-selling Sunday newspaper, bringing in the profits for its parent company, News International. An Old Bailey jury has now found Coulson, the newspaper's editor between 2003 and 2007, guilty of conspiracy to hack phones. His predecessor and News International's former chief executive, Rebekah Brooks, has been cleared of the same charge - as has the former managing editor Stuart Kuttner. The jury's verdict at the hacking trial means the conspiracy operated at every level of the News of the World's hierarchy. It involved reporters, the news desk and an editor who rose from local journalist to be Prime Minister David Cameron's communications director. And that conspiracy brought down a British journalistic institution that was read and loved by more than three million every Sunday. The last edition rolled off the presses on Sunday 10 July 2011. The full-page editorial declared: "Quite simply, we lost our way." Hacking: Who pleaded guilty? (clockwise from top left): •Greg Miskiw, former news editor •Neville Thurlbeck, former news editor and chief reporter •James Weatherup, former news editor •Dan Evans, reporter •Glenn Mulcaire, private investigator - prosecuted on two occasions •Clive Goodman, in 2006. Prosecuted this time for corrupt payments This was not the first hacking trial - and it may not be the last. Taken alongside other guilty pleas before the trial, the verdict puts paid to the idea that former royal editor Clive Goodman and private investigator Glenn Mulcaire, convicted in 2006, were the only people ever involved. The newspaper insisted that Goodman was one rogue reporter. But subsequent investigations by the Guardian and New York Times newspapers revealed that News International had secretly settled other cases. Strangely, Scotland Yard had seized evidence that showed voicemail interception was widespread - but it had not acted upon it. Officers had not told other potential victims, despite evidence that there could be hundreds of them. The revelations led to more hacking victims coming forward - and more damages claims and pay outs. Ultimately in 2011, the police launched the mammoth Operations Weeting and Elveden and arrests followed. This trial was about what Weeting and Elveden brought to court. Phone hacking began in the 1990s because a security flaw meant that anybody could access another mobile phone user's voicemail - providing they had a little bit of technical know-how. Mulcaire, a lower-league professional footballer, had a sideline as an investigator selling information to newspapers. He had a network of contacts and an array of techniques to acquire personal information. Hacking was one of the tools in his box. He has admitted being part of the conspiracy to hack phones for the News of the World. At the heart of the case against him and others were: News International paperwork and emails, almost 700 tapes Mulcaire kept of his voicemail and other recordings, and a vast archive of 8,000 notes detailing the people he had targeted. On the top left hand corner of each note, Mulcaire would scribble the name of the journalist who had "tasked" him to acquire personal information. His notes contained the names of at least 28 News International employees. One whiteboard included the name Rebekah Wade, as she was then known. She told the trial that she had never heard of Mulcaire before the scandal came to light. Mulcaire's first "tasking" that we know of was on 3 June 1999 and it related to the actor Christopher Guest, also known as Lord Haden-Guest, husband to actress Jamie Lee Curtis. In the corner of the note, Mulcaire had scribbled "Greg". At the time, Mulcaire worked for the newspaper on a freelance basis under the direction of Greg Miskiw, the then news editor. Miskiw has also pleaded guilty to conspiracy to hack phones. In late 2000, the News of the World formalised its relationship with Mulcaire by signing the first of a series of contracts for his exclusive services. According to evidence at the trial, Mulcaire received more than 540 "taskings" from co-conspirators while Rebekah Brooks was editor. Detectives were able to establish 12 incidents of confirmed hacking during her time - although she told the jury she had no knowledge of what had been going on. It was the revelation of one of those that brought the newspaper down. Milly Dowler went missing from her home in Walton on Thames in 2002. She was abducted and murdered by Levi Bellfield, now serving life for his crimes. But in April 2002, as the police hunt for her continued, Glenn Mulcaire was tasked to hack her phone, looking for an angle nobody else had. Mulcaire listened to her messages and he found one that sounded like the teenager was trying to get a job 150 miles away. The message from a Telford recruitment agency had been left completely by accident. It was meant for another woman - the name didn't even sound the same. Neville Thurlbeck, who has pleaded guilty to conspiracy to hack, and managing editor Stuart Kuttner shared the information with Surrey Police. Kuttner sent an email to the force explaining that the newspaper had "messages left on Amanda Dowler's mobile phone". The email that Kuttner sent to the force was the key allegation he faced - but he told the jury he had passed on "all the information that I had been given" - and denied authorising reporters to hack phones. The Guardian newspaper's revelation in 2011 that the newspaper had hacked a murdered girl's phone turned the News of the World into a toxic brand. But Milly Dowler was not the only murder victim who was hacked. Clare Bernal was a beauty consultant at the Harvey Nichols department store in London who was killed by a stalker in September 2005. Patricia Bernal, Clare's mother, said the family fell under a media siege. She told the BBC that she received cash through the letterbox from the News of the World as an offer to tell her story. Her partner pushed it back out again. Years later, Mrs Bernal received a visit from detectives assigned to Operation Weeting, the re-opened investigation into the hacking affair. They had been trawling through Glenn Mulcaire's notes and had found her daughter's name. "I felt that Clare had been violated," says Mrs Bernal. "It just made me feel physically sick. My daughter was dead but they [the News of the World] would have had access to voice messages. They would have found an awful lot out about my daughter who was a very shy and private person. "It was like her diary was exposed to the world." Mrs Bernal has since received an admission from News International that her dead daughter was targeted - but that apology came years after hacking had been integrated into the engines of the newsroom. Mulcaire's own notes show that during Coulson's editorship, he received at least 1,350 taskings. The news desk would commission Mulcaire to work on a story - or sometimes just a rumour - and his information would be used to assist in landing the exclusive. Sometimes Mulcaire would tell other News of the World staff how to listen to voicemails themselves. Clive Goodman, the newspaper's royal editor, made hundreds of his own interceptions. He hacked princes William and Harry - and Kate Middleton 155 times. It was the interception of one royal household message in 2006 that ultimately led to him being caught. He told the trial that hacking became so important that it was occurring on "an industrial scale". One news editor even began to hack Coulson so that he could hear messages left for the editor by his rivals in other parts of the newspaper. There was evidence at the trial that even Rebekah Brooks was hacked. Dan Evans, a former Sunday Mirror and News of the World journalist, has also admitted being part of the conspiracy. He told the jury that Coulson recruited him partly because of his interception skills - and that the paper's senior team put him under huge pressure to get results. The jury heard that the newspaper gave him "burner phones" - mobiles that he would regularly throw away. He would sit at his desk and "drop my head and hack there and then". When in 2005 he targeted actor Daniel Craig and found a message suggesting he was having an affair with fellow actor Sienna Miller, the reporter said that his editor was delighted. One of Coulson's team allegedly joked that Evans was now "a company man". Coulson vehemently denied Evans's claims. Politicians were the third group to be targeted, alongside crime victims and celebrities. For instance, Mulcaire spent a vast amount of time and energy chasing a false rumour that Home Secretary Charles Clarke was having an affair with his adviser Hannah Pawlby in 2005. The investigator's note revealed that he not only targeted her, but gathered confidential information on her parents, grandparents, family friends - including a senior MI6 officer - and neighbours. The previous year he had done the same to Mr Clarke's predecessor, David Blunkett. Mulcaire went for Kimberly Quinn, also known as Fortier, who was in a relationship with the cabinet minister. A draft version of that story, prepared by Neville Thurlbeck - and 300 voicemail recordings harvested from the target's phone - were found in the safe of a News International lawyer. Bethany Usher was a News of the World reporter during Coulson's time. She grew up in a working-class area of Sunderland and says she believed the newspaper spoke to, and for, people from her community. Now a journalism lecturer for Teesside University, she says the reality of the newspaper was completely different - it was obsessed by celebrities and scandals, rather than stories that mattered to real people. In hindsight, she wonders why news editors would demand she hand over contact numbers for interviewees - including families of soldiers killed in action. "They gave me an interview because they believed I would do justice to their loved one," she says. "The idea [others at the newspaper] would have hacked their phone disgusts me. I don't know whether they did, I hope not." Whether any of Ms Usher's former colleagues can answer that question didn't matter to this jury. Despite being a prosecution of exceptional complexity, hampered by huge chronological gaps because critical internal emails are missing, the trial came down to three words which appeared in an email from Andy Coulson to one of his news editors: Do His Phone. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

لم تكن صحيفة "نيوز أوف ذا وورلد" صحيفة عادية عندما كان آندي كولسون رئيس تحريرها. كان لديه فريق آخر لم تجده في غرفة الأخبار الشعبية العادية.

لا صحيفة عادية

By Craig Lewis and Orla MooreBBC News It's just gone 10:00 BST and outside one of the units at Weston Favell Shopping Centre, a queue is starting to form. In its previous life as a Next store, that was nothing unusual, but now people are lining up not for fashion bargains but that most basic of essentials: food. Twice a week, an army of masked volunteers meet here, sorting, packing and handing out tins, packets, bags and cartons to grateful recipients. Lockdown saw demand at Weston Favell Centre Foodbank treble, prompting its move from a nearby church to this vacant retail unit on Northampton's eastern edge. Food bank user Susan Austin described the service as a "Godsend". "I'm on Universal Credit and I can't go to work, so this is really important to me. I'd be in the mortuary without it," she said. "I don't get paid until the first of the month, which seems years away. "I'm here because I simply have no food." 'You'd be amazed how versatile a tin of tomatoes can be' During lockdown, mother-of-two Kiera found herself on a low income, looking after her disabled partner and struggling to make ends meet. "This is vital to me; a lifesaver," she said. "I'm on Universal Credit. Everything I get from here, I use. It all makes a big difference when you've not got the money to spend. "I couldn't afford school uniforms last year and the food bank staff took me to Tesco and helped me." "You get lots of soup - I love soup. It's healthy as well. You get the odd packet meal; quick and easy. With a bit of research, you'd be amazed how versatile a tin of tomatoes can be." Kiera is not alone. Michael Harrison has been visiting the food bank with his son Kenneth for a month now. "When you're out of work, the low income just about covers the bills," he said. "Trying to find work when you haven't been out of the house is hard. But this makes a lot of difference. "It takes the stress out of putting food on the table. I can just buy meat myself. The alternative is hunger." Last month, the UK's biggest food bank network, the Trussell Trust, reported an 89% increase in emergency food parcels for the month of April. Food banks in the Independent Food Aid Network (IFAN) reported a 175% increase in need during the same period. 'This used to be a crisis service' But this lifeline is just emerging from a crisis of its own. Lockdown saw demand rocket but supplies collapse. "At first, it was hard to get the donations in as we couldn't get to the supermarkets - we felt like criminals," said food bank manager Anne Woodley. "Until they waived the restrictions it was really difficult. "Prior to that, it was a crisis service: three days' food, just tins. We have now moved into a different world where people are living off food banks." More than 2,000The number of Food Banks in the UK 23%Rise in food parcel distribution from April-September 2019 4 millionHours worked by food bank volunteers in 2017 - worth £30m 1.5 millionThree day emergency food parcels supplied in 2018/19 Initially, exhausted volunteers mustered the energy to organise emergency Friday deliveries to vulnerable people shielding. "I remember one week where we ran out of food at the end of a Wednesday session. We just about had enough food for that day, and then thought 'what are we going to do for Friday?'" The food bank went from handing out 120 parcels at the height of the crisis to a more manageable 80 a week, Mrs Woodley said. Back in January, it was 40 a week. 'I volunteered to do something good' Volunteer Evie Stephens worked for a charity until she was placed on furlough three months ago. "I decided to fill my time with something good for the community," she said. "It's been lovely to see the impact on our clients. For some people it's a real lifeline, but the food is just one part of what we give - you see at first-hand the difference it makes. "It was a bit strange at first, walking around with mask and gloves on, but we are doing the best we can to make everyone safe." You may also like: 'Sometimes it's food you think of last' "We never know what donations are coming in so we structure the week," said warehouse co-ordinator Tracey Fogg. "If someone finds themselves in difficulties, such as paying bills, sometimes it's food you think of last. "Initially when lockdown happened it was chaotic. We were inundated with donations and needed to store it all, but on the other side of the coin clients came in because they panicked. The supermarkets were struggling to provide bulk stock and we were relying on the generosity of the public. "We had to adapt pretty quickly." Colleague Jayne Redding, a former street church volunteer, said clients came from all walks of life, with many suddenly affected by the Covid-19 downturn. "We get single people, huge families, people with ageing parents who are shielding and those who are laid off because of Covid," she said. "Sometimes they're embarrassed and worried, but we signpost them to the right place. "I'm quite an emotional person and it can make me sad, but we can plug this one gap for them. It can be uplifting." Find BBC News: East of England on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. If you have a story suggestion email [email protected]

ويعتمد عشرات الآلاف من الأشخاص على بنوك الطعام كل أسبوع للحصول على المؤن الأساسية، لكن الإغلاق أجبر الكثيرين على الإغلاق بسبب الحاجة الماسة إليهم. ظل أحد المراكز في نورثهامبتون مفتوحًا رغم الصعاب. تحدثت بي بي سي نيوز إلى مستخدميها والمتطوعين.

فيروس كورونا: يرى بنك الطعام في نورثامبتون ارتفاعًا في الطلب

By Pippa StephensBBC News, London On Friday a cross-party group of senior MPs called for soliciting by sex workers to be decriminalised in what would be radical changes to the laws on prostitution. This will most likely be welcome news to London's estimated 32,000 sex workers who, charities say, are less safe as a result of the criminalisation of their trade. Jenny Medcalf says she started selling sex in 2004 when an ex-boyfriend suggested it. At the time she was working as an actuary, struggling to keep up with the childcare costs for her three children and mortgage payments on her house in Surbiton. The Durham University graduate says after a difficult marriage and a string of "not so great" boyfriends, she wound up with a different boyfriend who got her into BDSM - an abbreviation for bondage, discipline, domination, submission, sadism and masochism. "I desperately needed the money, " says Jenny, 47. "I thought I was making a controlled decision to go into sex work to meet my financial needs and I could run it like a business." Her ex initially organised the bookings and was present for her first punter, she says. The graduate says she advertised online and would visit men in hotels or their houses. "I wasn't the traditional type of escort you would see. I was really thin with cropped hair, completely flat-chested and quite boyish but I was offering a BDSM service." A recovering alcoholic, Jenny says she used drugs to disassociate herself from the emotional and physical toll the job took on her. After five years working in the industry, there was one moment when she knew she wanted out. "This guy had me in a cage and he was trying to whip me through it. I swore at him, shouting. I never saw him again, although he wanted to see me. It was a turning point. "The job had completely broken me." She says the idea she was in control had "gone completely" and at that stage, she hated herself. Like women on the street, she says she was going to a client and then on to her dealer - but rather than a £10 rock of crack she was buying £300 worth of speed after a two-hour booking. The situation became untenable when, unable to face opening her post, she slipped behind on mortgage payments and lost her house - along with her three children, her cats and all of her possessions. After attempting to kill herself, using drugs and turning to drink again, Jenny met the man who went on to become her husband, whose patience she says helped to give her the strength to transform. One morning during her recovery, she woke up and a "light bulb" went off in her head that she wanted to work with sex workers with addictions. She started volunteering at the Spires charity in Tooting and is now one of the charity's most prominent workers. She goes out on to the street at night to find and help people - largely women - who are working as prostitutes. On the street, these women get around £20 for full sex - but the price can also be as low as £5. She offers them warm clothing, sweets, crisps, condoms - and support. Jenny and her colleagues visit the sex workers, sometimes in hospital, or prison, often in the middle of the night. "I fight for the women," she says. "A number are the same age as me. They are me, but they are still in it. "I respect them as women, I love them as women and I can see they can be so much more than they are at the moment," she says. Out of the core 200 women known to the charity, seven exited the profession in 2013 and 10 in 2015. However, selling sex can also be a positive thing, according to one Londoner in her 30s who works privately in a centrally-located flat. Alice (not her real name), previously a project manager for a large government organisation, started selling sex seven years ago. A friend introduced her to an escorting website when she was "short on cash", she says. She sells sex to men, women and couples, along with elderly and disabled people. Intimacy and "skin on skin" contact is a "natural, biological way to make us feel good", she says. After having had a middle-class upbringing, she says when she first started the work was a "revelation". "I couldn't believe I was being paid to enjoy my favourite pastime," she says. Her friends, most of her family and her partner, who she describes as the love of her life, know about her work and "completely accept it", although they were worried about her safety at first. She says she has never been subject to violence but has occasionally been harassed by clients who became overly emotionally attached. While the stigma of the work can make it difficult, she says, her clients are "nice, ordinary people". "I do not need rescuing," she adds. Alice's and Jenny's stories are played out on a larger scale across the country. A 2015 survey by the NUM foundation and Leeds University found 71% of the sex workers who took part had previously worked in health, social care, education, childcare or the charity sector. Alex Feis-Bryce, director of services at the NUM foundation, says that rise has, in part, been caused by cuts in recent years to public sector jobs and charities. People are attracted to the flexibility of the work, he says. Forty-five per cent of the 240 contributors to the survey, which ran between November 2014 and January 2015, sold sex alongside holding down another job. "Something we are seeing more and more of is private escorts being stalked and harassed - we saw a 188% increase in the numbers of cases between 2014 and 2015," he adds. Alex says these workers are often blackmailed by people taking advantage of their situation and the need to remain anonymous - threatening to tell partners or employers. Shrinking funding for services helping sex workers meant the situation was pretty "grim", he adds. Of course, sex is still sold on the streets of the capital. However, the idea perpetuated by Julia Roberts' character in the 1990 blockbuster Pretty Women, of risqué dressing and glamour, is not generally reflected by so-called streetwalkers in London. Women selling sex on the street are more likely to look like a friend, an aunt or a mother - they tend to be wrapped up warm, as standing on a street all night is cold - and wearing comfortable shoes, not the killer heels often seen in the media. They are not likely to be heavily made-up. Met Police commander Christine Jones says she often finds women working within the sex trade are there as a result of coercion, a lack of choices, and vulnerability. She says she tries to put the care of women at the "heart of everything", as it is the punters who create the demand and bring violence and anti-social behaviour to communities. She says targeting people who exploit women and buy sex is "at the top" of the Met's agenda - rather than taking the women into custody. "I think that is a really important message to get across," she adds. But the story on the ground is perhaps not so cut and dried, according to Laura Watson, a spokesperson for the English Collective of Prostitutes. Laura says she hasn't seen police moving away from targeting sex workers. "We are fighting cases where women are being hounded by police officers," she says. She says the women she works with "do not trust" the police to look after them once they report a violent crime. Some have been threatened with arrest when they do so, Laura adds. And in reality, targeting the punter rather than the worker has a similar "detrimental impact" to sex workers' safety as they are forced underground, she says. Laura adds: "Women are more likely to go into different areas they don't know just to pick up clients, or their negotiating time could drop as the client is worrying about being caught so all of the safety measures are diminished. "Terrible things happen as a consequence of that." She says most of the women are mothers and so can't afford to stop working. And the number of people turning to prostitution has increased since the recession, due to benefit sanctions and job cuts, she says. This means women who were once sex workers are returning to the profession. Another facet of criminalisation means women struggle to find other work, Laura adds, so it is harder to leave should they choose. Whether or not the MPs' recommendations make it into legislation remains to be seen - and any such move would almost certainly be reserved for a calmer period in UK politics. Although some, like Alice, are able to make prostitution work to their advantage, many struggle with the reality of making a living out of something so intimate.

قد يؤدي إنهاء تجريم الإغراء بالجنس في إنجلترا وويلز إلى واحدة من أكثر التحولات جذرية في كيفية النظر إلى الدعارة في المجتمع منذ أن أصبحت غير قانونية لأول مرة منذ ما يقرب من 200 عام. ولكن كيف يبدو الأمر عندما تبيع جسدك من أجل الجنس في لندن؟

كيف يبدو بيع الجنس في لندن؟

The next theme is "life in the water" and the deadline for entries is 13 October 2020. Send pictures to [email protected] or follow the link below to "Upload your pictures here". Further details and terms can be found by following the link to "We set the theme, you take the picture", at the bottom of the page. All photographs subject to copyright.

لقد طلبنا من قرائنا إرسال صورهم حول موضوع "الطريق المفتوح". وإليكم بعض الصور المرسلة إلينا من جميع أنحاء العالم.

صورك حول موضوع "الطريق المفتوح"

The education review also wants to establish at least one Welsh medium secondary school in the county. It is understood that the report compiled by Price Waterhouse Cooper would put 97 jobs at risk. The review will be considered by the council's cabinet on 27 January. "The review provides us with clear evidence that we need to reduce the number of secondary schools, sixth-forms and change the way we deliver Welsh medium education to make the most of our resources and deliver a service fit for the 21st century," insisted Arwel Jones, who is responsible for education in Powys council's cabinet. "The findings are not the end of the process but the start of an intensive period of work that aims to provide a secondary school structure that can deliver the very best for learners of Powys."

يجب إغلاق ثلاث مدارس ثانوية في بوويز وخفض عدد طلاب الصف السادس في المقاطعة إلى ستة فقط، وفقًا لتقرير تنظر فيه الهيئة.

الوظائف معرضة للخطر حيث أوصت ثلاث مدارس بوويز بالإغلاق

By Laurence CawleyBBC News The delivery man arrives with a large cardboard box. Following him through Dark Side Comics in Chelmsford is the fluorescent-haired Miss Ringsell. She beckons him towards the rear of the store, where there's enough space to put the box down on the floor. The delivery man has to steal Miss Ringsell's attention away from the package to get a signature. Moments later, he's off. And she's in, slicing through tape and tearing open the box flaps. Today is Wednesday. Miss Ringsell likes weekends, but she loves Wednesdays. "Wednesdays are awesome," she says. "It's when all the new comics and merchandise come out." The scent of fresh ink, paper and cellophane wrap draws in comic lovers from across the city and beyond, eager to get their hands on the very latest output from the comic world. "There's a strong community feel on Wednesdays," says Miss Ringsell. "People will talk about what they're reading and strike up conversations." What is now Miss Ringsell's career began as a youthful pastime. "My love of comics started when I was pretty young," she says. "My dad was the one who got me into animated movies and comics. "I used to do a lot of drawing as a kid, and comics seemed a natural thing to draw from. "He would bring me home comics and I would read them and then draw from them." Her first comics were from the X-Men series before she moved on to Batman - "the coolest", says Miss Ringsell. Her first Batman comic was the 1988 graphic novel Batman: The Killing Joke by comic book legend Alan Moore, whose other works include Watchmen and V for Vendetta. By the age of 14, she was hooked. But her passion for comics isn't something that others always readily accept. "I have had the odd comment here and there and people usually assume I either just work here or that I am someone's wife or daughter," she says. "I have even had telesales people phone up and say: 'gosh, a woman with a comic shop', and I am like, 'yes, a woman with a comic shop'. "It can be a male-dominated industry, but we are fighting through." And the battle hasn't simply been one of challenging the occasionally sexist attitudes of customers and callers, as Miss Ringsell explains. "The 1990s was a terrible time for female characters in comics - a lot of them ended up chopped up into bits or put in fridges," she says. "Female characters were being murdered as plot devices for male protagonists, or they were there just to be looked at. "There are some really great female characters now. Personally, my favourites are Batgirl, Squirrel Girl and Jem and the Holograms. "There are now female characters for all ages." The famous and not-so-famous female comic stars Olivia Hicks, a doctoral research student of British and American comics at the University of Dundee, points out there is a rich history of strong female characters. As far back as the 1930s, there was Lois Lane who, when Superman failed to save the day, would set about sorting out whatever crisis needing dealing with. And in the 1940s, as well as Wonder Woman, there was Miss Fury, who would don a catsuit that gave her increased speed as she fought against Nazi agents. "She was such a fantastic character," says Ms Hicks, whose own current favourites include Mark Waid's Archie, Hawkeye and Jem and the Holograms. "There have been strong female characters in British comics too, stretching back to the first girls' comic, School Friend, and its cover stars The Silent Three - which were drawn by a woman, Evelyn Flinders - who donned robes to solve mysteries and foil bullies at their school. "Popular characters like Bella at the Bar (Tammy) and Valda (Mandy) exhibited immense courage and strength and, in the case of Valda, often refused to listen to authority figures. It was her way or the highway." Miss Ringsell believes one of the biggest shifts in contemporary comic depictions relates to body diversity. "All the women used to have the same body. It was the hourglass body only. "There are now more body types for both men and women. "I never understood why they made She-Hulk skinny because, surely, she should be enormous. "And I think it is really important that women have strong role models whether on television, in films or in comics. "If you start with someone like Batgirl or a Spider-Gwen, you have a strong female character from the off rather than women being there to be either saved or stared at." But what of diversity of tone and plot dynamics? Oxford-based comic creator Kate Brown thinks the larger publishers could be more open-minded. "I've had scenarios where I've presented ideas that have had to be drastically changed as they were considered too gentle," she says. "That is, I've focused on emotions or concepts of interpersonal drama. "I was often told to ramp up the excitement by adding action, or high-concept ideas, that kind of thing. "It's frustrating... and then it's like, do I refuse to do this? Or do I change this to something I enjoy far less so I can get a chance to work in this industry? "While action-focused or high-concept ideas certainly don't automatically equal 'brainless', it worries me that this kind of reaction from some publishers or editors means we're losing out on work from some wonderful creators, and also losing out on potential readers, too. "I love comics very much and I think comics can be, and should be, for everyone." It's a sentiment shared by Miss Ringsell, who says she has begun to notice a changing demographic in the comic book world. "I am seeing a lot of younger girls getting into comics, largely from secondary schools," she says. "A lot of women in comics are making contact with each other and creating our own communities. "We now feel we are part of a collective."

إذا كنت تعتقد أن الأبطال الخارقين يقتصرون على الرجال والفتيان فقط، فإن هولي رينجسيل تحثك على التفكير مرة أخرى. تكشف الشابة الرائدة البالغة من العمر 26 عامًا، والتي تدير متجر الكتب المصورة الخاص بها، الغطاء عما تشعر به المرأة في بيئة يهيمن عليها الذكور تقليديًا.

"يا إلهي، امرأة لديها متجر قصص مصورة"

It became known as Bloody Sunday and these are the victims: Patrick Doherty Married father-of-six Patrick Doherty, known as Paddy, was 31 years old when he joined the march. He worked in the city's Du Pont factory and was an active member of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. Mr Doherty died as he was trying to crawl to safety. In the Saville Report - a re-examination of the events of Bloody Sunday carried out by Lord Mark Saville and published in 2010 - said Mr Doherty was unarmed. The inquiry also found there was "no doubt" he was shot by Soldier F, who changed his story over the years. The Widgery Inquiry - announced the day after Bloody Sunday and chaired by Lord Widgery - largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame, although he described the soldiers' shooting as "bordering on the reckless". That earlier inquiry said that if the soldier had shot Mr Doherty in the belief he had a pistol, that belief was "mistaken". Gerald Donaghey The 17year-old was a member of the IRA's youth wing, Fianna na Éireann. He had become involved in the civil unrest and had been jailed for six months for rioting the year before. A police photograph taken shortly after he was pronounced dead showed a nailbomb in Mr Donaghey's pocket. A soldier later said he had found four nailbombs among Mr Donaghey's clothing. Widgery dismissed claims that the devices had been planted after death - saying nobody had offered any evidence to the contrary. But the Saville Inquiry heard that neither the soldier who first examined Mr Donaghey nor the Army medical officer who received him at an aid post had found anything suspicious when they checked the teenager. In conclusion, Saville found the nailbombs were "probably" on Mr Donaghey but said he was not preparing to throw them at the time nor was he shot because he was carrying them. The report said he was shot by Soldier G while trying to escape from the soldiers. John Duddy One of a family of 15, the factory worker is thought to have been the first to be killed. The 17-year-old boxer, known a Jackie, had represented his club in bouts across Ireland and in Liverpool. He had attended the march "for the craic" with his friends and against his father's advice. The picture above shows a group of people carrying the dying teenager though the streets of Derry, lead by the then Fr (later Bishop) Edward Daly waving a bloodied handkerchief. It became one of the enduring images of Northern Ireland's Troubles. The Saville report concluded Mr Duddy was unarmed and "probably" shot by Soldier R, as he ran away from soldiers. Widgery said he had not been armed and was probably hit by a bullet intended for someone else. Hugh Gilmour The 17-year-old was the youngest of eight children and a trainee tyre fitter. He was shot as he was running away from the soldiers in a crowd of up to 50 people. A woman said she heard him cry "I'm hit, I'm hit". A single bullet had struck him in the chest and arm. The teenager was pulled to safety behind a barricade but died shortly afterwards. Saville said Mr Gilmour was unarmed and Soldier U had fired at him as he ran away from the soldiers. Widgery concluded Mr Gilmour was not shot from behind and had probably been standing on a barricade when he was hit. Michael Kelly The 17-year-old had been training to be a sewing machine mechanic and the march was his first taste of the civil rights movement. He went, his family said, because his friends were going. He was shot in the stomach near a barricade. He was carried to the safety of a house and died in an ambulance on the way to hospital. At Saville, Soldier F admitted that he had shot Michael Kelly - but said that he had only fired at people with bombs or weapons. However, Saville concluded Mr Kelly was unarmed. Widgery said forensic tests found firearms residue on Mr Kelly's right cuff and that indicated he was close to someone who was firing at the soldiers from the barricade. "But I do not think that this was Kelly, nor am I satisfied that he was throwing a bomb at the time when he was shot," said Widgery. Michael McDaid The second-youngest of a family of 12, the 20-year-old worked as a barman. Mr McDaid was arrested but then escaped out of the back of an Army vehicle before being shot near a barricade. Saville concluded that Mr McDaid was unarmed and he was shot by either Soldier P, Soldier J or Soldier E. Widgery could not identify who had fired the shot. Forensic tests found lead particles on Mr McDaid's jacket and right hand, and Widgery discounted the possibility that the clothing and body had been contaminated by residue from soldiers or their vehicles. Kevin McElhinney The 17-year-old was the middle child of five and was described as a hardworking supermarket employee. He was shot as he tried to make his way to safety. Saville said Soldier L or Soldier M shot Mr McElhinney, who was "unarmed", as he crawled away from the soldiers. It suggests they probably did so on the orders of senior officers. Widgery said the firer was probably "Sergeant K". "He described two men crawling from the barricade in the direction of the door of the flats and said that the rear man was carrying a rifle. He fired one aimed shot but could not say whether it hit. "Sergeant K obviously acted with responsibility and restraint." Bernard McGuigan A 41-year-old married man with six children, Bernard McGuigan was a factory worker and handyman. Shot as he went to the aid of Patrick Doherty, Mr McGuigan was waving a white handkerchief as a single bullet struck the back of his head. He fell to the ground, beside a 19-year-old paramedic. "He raised his hand in the air and shouted 'Don't shoot, don't shoot'. And seconds later he was just shot and landed in my lap." Saville found there was "no doubt" Soldier F had shot an unarmed Mr McGuigan. Widgery said forensic tests had found lead residue on his hands and a scarf, consistent with the cloth having been wrapped around a revolver that had been fired. His widow denied the scarf belonged to her husband, and Widgery concluded it was not possible to say whether Mr McGuigan was using or carrying a weapon. Gerard McKinney A father-of-eight whose youngest was born eight days after his death on Bloody Sunday and named after him. Mr McKinney managed a junior soccer team and ran the city's Ritz rollerskating rink. The 35-year-old was shot as he tried to make his way to safety. The Saville Report concluded Soldier G, a private, shot an "unarmed" Gerard McKinney. That bullet passed through him before hitting another victim, Gerald Donaghey. Widgery said his death was one of the most confusing episodes of the day and that forensic tests found no evidence that Mr McKinney had handled weapons. William McKinney A printer at the Derry Journal newspaper, the 27-year-old was the oldest of 10 and was engaged to be married. A keen amateur photographer, he had set out to film the Bloody Sunday march on a camera he had received as a Christmas present. Like Gerald McKinney (no relation), he was in a group and was shot as he ran for cover. "Willie was not a stone-thrower, a bomber or a gunman. He had gone to the civil rights march in the role of amateur photographer," said the newspaper's tribute to him. Saville said there were four soldiers - E, F, G or H - who could have fired at Mr McKinney and another victim, Jim Wray. Up to five more people were injured by the same group of soldiers. Soldier F will now face murder charges over the killing of William McKinney. All four soldiers insisted they had shot at people carrying bombs or firearms - claims rejected by Saville. The Widgery report put William McKinney's death in the same category as Gerald McKinney - both men had been shot without justification. William Nash The 19-year-old dock worker was the seventh of 13 children and the brother of Olympic boxer Charlie Nash. Mr Nash was shot in the chest near a barricade. Alexander Nash saw his son being shot and went to help him, and was then shot himself. Saville concluded that shots fired by Soldier P, Soldier J and Soldier E, caused the deaths of William Nash, as well as victims Michael McDaid and John Young. The inquiry rejected claims that the three soldiers fired because the men were armed. Soldier P told Widgery that he had returned fire after a man consistent with Mr Nash's description had fired first. "In view of the site of the injury it is possible that Soldier P has given an accurate account of the death of Nash," said the report. James Wray The 22-year-old had worked in England for some time and was engaged to an English girl. Friends said he was outgoing and worked in a city bar and dancehall at weekends. His entire family had attended the march after going to Mass together. Mr Wray's death, like that of Gerald McKinney and William McKinney, happened during the chaos as people ran for cover. Saville said Mr Wray, who posed no great danger, was shot twice in the back and there were four soldiers who could have fired at him - soldiers E, F, G or H. The second shot was probably fired as he lay wounded, said Saville, meaning there could have been "no possible justification". Widgery said there was no photographic evidence of what had happened to Mr Wray, but he had been in the general vicinity of where soldiers claimed that civilians had opened fired. On 14 March, the Public Prosecution Service said there was enough evidence to prosecute Soldier F for his murder. John Young The 17-year-old was the youngest of six and worked in a menswear shop. He was shot near a barricade as he tried to take cover. Saville concluded John Young was killed in the same shooting incident that claimed the lives of William Nash and Michael McDaid. He also said he was unarmed and shot by soldiers P, J or E. One witness told Widgery that Mr Young had gone to help another teenager who had been shot. Widgery said: "Young was undoubtedly associated with the youths who were throwing missiles at the soldiers from the barricade and the track of the bullet suggests that he was facing the soldiers at the time."

قُتل 13 شخصًا بالرصاص عندما فتح الجنود النار على المتظاهرين خلال مسيرة للحقوق المدنية في لندنديري في 30 يناير 1972.

الأحد الدامي: الضحايا

Harry Osborne served as a gunner in the Royal Artillery and was deployed to France in January 1940. A planned party to mark his 100th birthday had to be cancelled because of the coronavirus outbreak. However, the occasion will still be marked at the care home in Troon, South Ayrshire where Mr Osborne lives.

يحتفل أحد قدامى المحاربين في دونكيرك في اسكتلندا بعيد ميلاده المائة.

أحد قدامى المحاربين في دونكيرك الاسكتلنديين يصل إلى هذا القرن

The Exeter-based airline has been operating up to three flights a week since introducing the route in March. Flybe's chief commercial officer Paul Simmons said passenger numbers made the flights harder to justify environmentally and economically. Flights will cease from 26 March 2016. Other routes are unaffected. Routes between Ronaldsway and Birmingham, Liverpool and Manchester will remain. Mr Simmons said: "We have a disciplined approach to the routes we operate, which means we continually review our network."

أكدت شركة Flybe خططها لإنهاء خدمتها بين جزيرة آيل أوف مان ولندن ستانستيد، بعد أقل من عام من إطلاقها.

تقوم شركة Flybe بنقل جزيرة آيل أوف مان إلى خدمة لندن ستانستيد

Police said the 26-year-old, who is from Doncaster, had been released under investigation. The welfare of the dog has been checked and it has been removed from his custody, South Yorkshire Police said. The investigation was prompted after graphic footage of the incident was widely shared on Friday and appeared in several newspapers. Follow BBC Yorkshire on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. Send your story ideas to [email protected] or send video here.

ألقي القبض على رجل بعد ظهور مقطع فيديو على وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي يظهر كلبًا يتعرض للضرب في وجهه.

القبض على رجل دونكاستر بعد أن لكم كلبه في وجهه

Two giant greenhouses covering nearly 50 acres (20 hectares) of land are due to be built next to the B1113 between Great Blakenham and Bramford. Tomato producer Sterling Suffolk claims the site could produce about 10% of all tomatoes grown in Britain - about 7,000 tonnes a year. Mid Suffolk District councillors approved the plans on Wednesday. The neighbouring Energy from Waste plant will provide heat and power. Work on the greenhouses is due to start in the autumn.

تم منح الضوء الأخضر لإنشاء مركز لزراعة الطماطم بقيمة 30 مليون جنيه إسترليني والذي يمكن أن يخلق حوالي 250 فرصة عمل في سوفولك.

تمت الموافقة على دفيئات طماطم بلاكنهام الكبرى

It's not the first time a company has been forced to give up on a product, or ask for it back. How much do you recall about these product recalls? And if you missed last week's 7 days quiz, try it here Picture credits : 2 - SPL; 3, 5 - Getty Images; 1, 4 - PA; 6 - Trading Standards; 7 - iStock Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

توقفت شركة سامسونج عن إنتاج هاتفها Galaxy Note 7 بعد تقارير عن اشتعال النيران في الجهاز.

استرداد الأموال بالكامل: ما مدى جودة استرجاعك لعمليات سحب المنتجات هذه؟

This included six of bags of illegal drugs - including quantities of heroin, cocaine and ecstasy - and three bags full of prescription drugs. They came from raids across the island and destroying them meant heating the drugs to more than 1,100C (2012F). Police said burning drugs and destroying the gas they create was a common way to dispose of seizures.

دمرت شرطة جيرسي مخدرات بقيمة مئات الآلاف من الجنيهات الاسترلينية في محرقة سانت هيلير.

شرطة جيرسي تحرق مضبوطات المخدرات في المحرقة

By Yvette TanBBC News As a peace treaty was never signed after the end of the Korean War in 1953, the neighbours do not have formal relations. The "Sunshine Policy" of re-engagement with the North from the late 1990s earned one leader a Nobel Peace prize, but broke down within a decade as South Korean politics changed course and Pyongyang pursued its illegal nuclear ambitions. But over the years both North and South have also engaged in what some might see as miniscule acts of "petty" warfare designed to wind the other up but not cause lasting damage, almost reminiscent of some techniques used by the Soviet Union and the US during the Cold War. "These kinds of displays provide an important competitive outlet between the two sides outside of possible military conflict," analyst Ankit Panda told the BBC. "For both sides, I think what seems petty to us on the outside has important symbolic value and even operational effectiveness. The two countries are dramatically different in their ideologies and see value in exerting the primacy of their system of government." These are some of the small-time point-scoring both sides have attempted over the years: Loudspeakers Both countries have been fighting an aural battle for years. Before August 2015, the loudspeakers had been turned off for a couple of years, under a deal negotiated between both countries. But in 2015, after two South Korean soldiers were severely injured by North Korean-planted mines in the demilitarised zone (DMZ), the South turned its speakers back on. It was halted again in 2015 and re-started in 2016 in response to the North's claim that it tested a hydrogen bomb. But what exactly does South Korea broadcast from its speakers? You can expect to hear anything from weather reports, dramas, news from both Koreas that otherwise would not be heard over the border and even K-pop songs. The loudspeakers are typically aimed at border guards, though they can also reach citizens that live near the DMZ border. "The loudspeakers are left on all night and day and it hurts morale for some North Korea soldiers because some of them can't go to sleep, some are exhausted from hearing it all day," said Dr Kim. "So what North Korea is concerned about is the psychological impact of these broadcasts." North Korea's broadcasts carry its characteristically strident condemnations of Seoul and its allies, but are said to be harder to hear - possibly the result of poor speakers. But South Korea has now turned off its loudspeakers, just days after North Korea announced that it was stopping all its nuclear tests and launches of intercontinental ballistic missiles. The North appears to have stopped broadcasting propaganda too, residents on the southern side of the demarcation line say. The South has not said whether it plans to restart the broadcasts once the summits are over. Flagpole sizes During the 1980s, the South Korean government built a 321.5-foot (97m) tall flagpole in its border village of Daesong-dong. North Korea responded by building a 525-foot tall flagpole in its border town of Gijung-dong. "This is a good sign of one of them trying to one-up the other," Dr James Kim of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies told the BBC. "That being said, it might have been very important to the North to build a bigger flagpole but South Korea might not even have really cared." Balloon propaganda Both the North and South have had a long history of launching propaganda balloons at each other. In South Korea, defectors, conservatives and religious groups regularly launch these balloons, which can contain anything from leaflets to chocolate biscuits. The balloons can go on to reach thousands of miles, and have been proven to be "very effective", according to Alex Gladstein, Chief Strategy Officer at Human Rights Foundation (HRF) who runs Flash Drives for Freedom, an initiative which sends flash drives in to North Korea. HRF's flash drives contain anything from a selection of films, TV shows, documentaries and everyday footage of life in South Korea. But the North themselves have also sent their fair share of balloons over to the South. In 2016, hundreds of leaflets praising North Korea were found in Seoul, sent ahead of North Korea's 7th congress of its Workers Party, which was the first of its kind in 36 years. Speculation arose then that Pyongyang may have sent the leaflets as part of its anti-South Korea psychological warfare. But though the leaflets are unlikely to leave a great impact on South Korea, it could be more than just a matter of "pettiness" to North Korea. "I've been in downtown Seoul and seen the propaganda leaflets a few times. It's interesting and novel for [South Koreans] but it isn't construed as something that is threatening to their daily livelihood," Dr Kim told the BBC. "But for the North Koreans these pamphlets are very important. Ideology is very important to them, it's what keeps their regime together... so they might think that this is even more threatening to them than a small-scale military response." Secret agents In 2016, North Korea restarted its coded "numbers" broadcasting after a break of 16 years - a move which has angered South Korea. Numbers broadcasts, as the name implies, usually comprise a series of numbers read out on air which will only make sense to someone with the decryption key, usually secret agents in a foreign country. These apparent codes were observed in a late-night 12-minute section on Pyongyang Radio Station, a propaganda station aimed at South Korea. Why the sudden resumption after 16 years? The numbers broadcast comes almost immediately after the US and South Korea announced the deployment of a THAAD defensive missile battery in South Korea. It's not clear if the move is a direct act of retaliation, but it's definitely got under the skin of South Korea, who urged the North to "desist from such practices." The North and South's current relationship is arguably the closest the two neighbours have got in recent years. But if the thaw does not turn into a permanent detente, more imaginative point-scoring is little short of certain. BBC Monitoring contributed to this report

تستعد كوريا الشمالية والجنوبية لعقد قمتهما الأولى منذ ما يزيد قليلاً عن عقد من الزمن. وبعد سنوات من العلاقات الفاترة والخطابات العدائية، أشاد الساسة في كوريا الجنوبية بهذه اللحظة باعتبارها لحظة نادرة ومفعمة بالأمل.

كوريا الشمالية والجنوبية: الجانب التافه من الدبلوماسية

By Robin Levinson-KingBBC News, Toronto When Canadian Brianna MacDonald found herself confronted by the devastation of the bushfires over Christmas, she decided she had to do something to help the wildlife in her adopted home of Australia, where she has lived for seven years. Along with her mother and two sisters back in Canada, Ms MacDonald has become part of a cross-national effort by crafters to send soft goods like baskets, jackets and pouches for animals injured or orphaned in the wildfires. "There were so many people offering to help," Brianna's sister Carol MacDonald told the BBC. The whole family joined the Canadian Animal Rescue Craft Guild, a Facebook group that has united 11,000 people from across Canada to knit, sew or crochet for the cause. In eastern Ontario where she is based, Carol says they collected about 5,000 soft goods and another 2,000 medical supplies, weighing almost 500 kilograms. Meanwhile in Sydney, Brianna opened her home to donations of crafts, medical supplies and food for the Animal Rescue Cooperative, which helps support wildlife rescuers across the country. She also agreed to let the Canadian crafters ship supplies to her home, since, through her work with Animal Rescue Cooperative, she knew how to distribute the supplies and where they were needed. Soon, her house was full, and so she had to rent a warehouse in order to store all the goods. "The outpouring of not only the Australian community but the Canadian community has been absolutely jaw dropping," Brianna MacDonald says. The boxes from Canada arrived via the airline Air Canada, which is shipping them free of charge on board six of its commercial flights destined for Australia. The first flight left Halifax on 17 January, and the last left Vancouver on 27 January. Canada wasn't the only country to send handmade help. As images of the devastation flooded the media, knitters in the UK, Asia and the US have also rallied to help. The good intentions have sparked concern from officials in Australia, however. "Unfortunately, what usually happens is local communities become overwhelmed very quickly with donated goods," emergency official in New South Wales Jeremy Hillman told broadcaster ABC on 7 January. One Australian group has asked international supplies to stop being sent altogether. "We are continuing reaching out to as many rescues as we can (any and all of them) and helping them as we can, but the answer generally is, 'Thanks guys, we're good!'," wrote the Animal Rescue Collective Craft Guild, which also works with the Animal Rescue Cooperative. "THANK YOU for your support, solidarity, kind words & thoughts, and crafted items so far. We ask you, PLEASE do not send any more items to Australia." Too much stuff is an all too common problem during a disaster, says Juanita Rilling, the former director of the Center for International Disaster Information in the US. "Certainly in the last 50 years worldwide, the response to almost every major emergency has been affected by a flood of unsolicited donations that get in the way," she told the BBC. Donations of goods from abroad often compete with local rescue efforts for resources like airport runway space, staff and gasoline, if there are shortages. Warehouses holding goods that may or may not be needed might be better serves by housing other supplies. And heavy cargo planes flying overseas emit greenhouse gasses and pollution that could be avoided by more local shipments. Ms Rilling says that if you want to help when a disaster strikes, the best thing to do is send money to a reputable organisation working on the ground - even if all you can afford is a few dollars. "People are suspicious about sending cash," she says. "The trick is to identify who is actually working in the area and donate to them." Ultimately, people just want to help and everyone understands that these donations are given with love. "It's a beautiful thing," Ms Rilling says. "But there's an old proverb that says desire without knowledge is not good, and this is a case of desire without knowledge." As for the Canadian crafters, they are turning their attention - and knitting needles - to helping wildlife groups closer to home.

يرسل المتطوعون الكنديون ست طائرات مليئة بالسلع المصنوعة يدويًا والإمدادات الطبية لمساعدة الحيوانات المصابة في حرائق الغابات في أستراليا. لكن المسؤولين يشعرون بالقلق من أن يؤدي طوفان النوايا الحسنة إلى إثارة "كارثة ثانية".

لماذا ربما لا تحتاج أستراليا إلى المزيد من قفازات الكوالا

Arthur "Bob" Gumbley died in hospital three weeks after he was attacked during a burglary in Endwood Drive, Sutton Coldfield, on 21 November 2017. Police said Jason Wilsher, 19, of Barlestone Road, Bagworth, has been charged with Mr Gumbley's murder. Mr Wilsher is due to appear at Newcastle-under-Lyme Magistrates' Court on Wednesday. In a statement after his death, Mr Gumbley's family said: "He truly was a person that, not only us as a family, but the people that knew him, looked up to and respected. "Words can't express the extent of our loss."

اتُهم مراهق بقتل رجل يبلغ من العمر 87 عامًا توفي بعد اقتحام عنيف لمنزله.

مراهق متهم بقتل آرثر غامبلي

Mr Robinson, who is 66 next month, will address his party's annual conference on Saturday. Asked whether he plans to step down as DUP leader after next May's Westminster election, Mr Robinson reiterated that he has no particular timescale in mind. He told BBC Radio Ulster's Inside Politics any future leadership change would be a carefully managed process.

قال بيتر روبنسون إنه سيقدم الدعم الكامل لمن يخلفه في نهاية المطاف كزعيم للحزب الديمقراطي الوحدوي.

يقول بيتر روبنسون إنه سيدعم أي زعيم للحزب الديمقراطي الوحدوي في المستقبل

Home for the Calais Afghans is a filthy camp of plastic bags and sheets on a disused railway line, without water, power or even enough food. Their illegal settlement lies just a few hundred metres from where the big ferries take hundreds of passengers back and forth between France and the UK. It's a desperate and frustrated group, subsisting on one meal a day, mainly pasta, provided by a local aid group. Every night they sneak out of their tents for what they call "the throw", a desperate attempt to climb on board one of the many trucks destined for Britain. Some of the men I met had Italian temporary residence permits. But still they were keen to come to Britain because they believed it was easy to find a job there. They told me that there was not enough work in Italy, and since their travel documents did not allow them to travel legally to the UK, they were opting for illegal ways. One man who epitomises the migrants' determination is Asif, the 33-year-old Afghan who shot to fame of sorts when he tried to cross the Channel on a self-made raft. Frustrated by his continued failure to sneak into Britain by boarding trucks, he made his raft using discarded bits of wood and plastic he picked up in the streets of Calais, using an old bedsheet for a sail. Asif took me across the dunes down to the beach where he set sail at dawn on a day in early May. He said he thought it was the point closest to Britain. "Water is as soft as cotton," he told me looking out over the Channel on a sunny day with ferries gliding past. "It's not as dangerous as boarding the moving trucks." He said that his craft had made good progress into what he called the dark waters, when the wind changed and pushed him back towards the shore. The lifeboat fished him out a little later. Inside his tiny makeshift tent, Asif told me about his dream of reaching London, which he describes as the "star of Europe". He's been chasing that dream for over a decade. A farmer's son from the Mosahi region, just south of Kabul, Asif left Afghanistan during the last years of Taliban rule in search of a better life, By his own account, his largely illegal voyage took him to Iran, Turkey, Greece, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Italy and Switzerland. He says that in almost every country he stayed for about a year to save money for the next leg of his journey. His story, the many obstacles as well as the stubborn desire to reach the UK, is typical among the men here. But many get stuck in this small city and their presence is very visible and has made some locals angry, something I experienced first hand. As Asif and I made our way to the beach, there were openly hostile looks and one man made a cut-throat gesture towards us. Such sentiments are understandable, considering that the port has been the gateway for Afghans and other migrants attempting to reach Britain for years. Inside a garage, local staff did not hide their frustration, citing concerns over the city's image. One of the workers told me she could not see a solution: "It looks like a never-ending process. The more you take in, the more tend to come," she said. It's an observation born out by the determination of the men I met to try and try again. Asif was not deterred by his aborted crossing. He had no regrets, he told me, and would be making another attempt. When and how he kept to himself.

هناك حوالي 200 أفغاني من بين حوالي 1000 مهاجر يعيشون في ظروف مزرية في مدينة كاليه الساحلية الفرنسية، على الجانب الآخر من القناة الإنجليزية مباشرة من بريطانيا. والتقى مراسل بي بي سي الأفغاني، بشير بختيار، بالعديد منهم عندما ذهب لتقديم تقرير عن معسكراتهم غير الرسمية. وكان من بينهم الرجل الذي تصدر عناوين الأخبار هذا الشهر عندما أبحر على متن طوف مرتجل لمحاولة الوصول إلى المملكة المتحدة، ليتم انتشاله بواسطة قارب نجاة فرنسي.

دفتر الملاحظات الأفغاني: من كابول إلى كاليه

The blast at the corner of Bridge Street and Smithfield Road on 3 January injured 12 people and closed parts of the town centre for more than a month. Work by Bristol company Bensons will take about four weeks to complete and road closures have not been planned. The Health and Safety Executive is trying to find out the cause of the explosion. One woman was airlifted to hospital with burns to her head, neck and chest, and a man suffered spinal injuries in the explosion. Five people were trapped in a car beneath rubble but were pulled free by bystanders and emergency crews.

يجري العمل حاليًا لهدم مبنى في شروزبري تعرض لأضرار بالغة بسبب انفجار غاز مشتبه به.

أعمال الهدم بعد انفجار شروزبري

The annual game is played between Up'ards and Down'ards in Ashbourne, Derbyshire, over two days. This year, the Up'ards took the honours on Tuesday but Wednesday's game ended when the ball was lost in Mayfield. Some suspected foul play but organisers said it was an "ill-fated attempt" to launch the ball towards goal. Shrovetide committee member Mike Betteridge, who turned up the ball on Wednesday, said: "There was frantic searching for nearly an hour before a group of Up'ards found it. "It had lodged itself in the upper branches of the hedge, which was a leylandii, and no-one could see it." Because nobody goaled the ball, Mr Betteridge gets to keep it. Shrovetide glossary

تم اكتشاف الكرة التي اختفت في منتصف مباراة Royal Shrovetide Football، مما أدى إلى نهاية مشوشة للمباراة، عالقة في سياج.

تم العثور على كرة كرة القدم Royal Shrovetide المفقودة في السياج

Pakistan's change of heart - if sustained - could open up several new tracks in the peace process, bring about a ceasefire with the Taliban, encourage a wider regional settlement and improve Islamabad's own fraught relations with Washington. Most significantly, a ceasefire and peace talks with the Taliban could dramatically improve the chances of survival for the weak Afghan government and army once Western forces leave. In a rare sign of the new relationship, recently not one but several senior Afghan officials in private conversations have praised the Pakistan army and its chief, Gen Ashfaq Kayani, for taking visible actions to encourage reconciliation between the Taliban and the Afghan government. For years President Hamid Karzai and other officials have openly accused the army and its Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of supporting the Afghan Taliban. "We believe now there is a change in Pakistan's policy and Gen Kiyani is absolutely genuine about helping bring peace to Afghanistan," said a senior Afghan adviser to President Karzai. In mid-November, Pakistan freed nine Taliban officials it had been holding, releasing them to the Afghan High Peace Council, which is tasked with opening talks with the Taliban. Pakistan said on 3 December it would soon free more Taliban prisoners. Officials said the ISI was holding at least 100 Taliban leaders and foot soldiers but was expected to free them all. Those Taliban being freed will have complete freedom of movement and association, say senior Pakistan military officials. Pakistan has also pledged not to interfere if the Taliban and the Afghan council want a third country as a venue for future talks. If these initial steps bear fruit, an even more decisive step may come later when the ISI asks hundreds of Taliban commanders and officials fighting Western and Afghan forces inside Afghanistan to support reconciliation talks with Kabul. Deal next year? According to senior Afghan, Pakistani and Western officials, Kabul and Islamabad have prepared roadmaps with timelines outlining how future reconciliation talks could take place. While the Afghans have shared their road map with the Pakistanis and the Americans, the Pakistanis will only do so when the Obama administration offers its own plan. Gen Kayani is now urging Afghan officials to strike a deal with the Taliban as early as next year rather than wait for 2014 as stipulated in its roadmap. However, the wounding of the Afghan intelligence chief on Thursday by a Taliban suicide bomber will be a setback to the process as it could trigger retribution killings. Meanwhile, a formerly slow moving tripartite commission made up of the US, Pakistan and Afghanistan has suddenly got teeth as it discusses issues such as safe passage for the Taliban, who will need to travel for talks, and how to take Taliban names off a UN Security Council list which labels them as terrorists. US-Pakistan relations were broken for the past two years, largely over Afghanistan, but relations are now on the mend. Gen Kayani has recently met US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Mr Karzai. However, US officials are more sceptical about the military's intentions and will wait to see what else the military delivers. Meanwhile, the US government has reached internal agreement on a policy document that for the first time links reconciliation with the US military withdrawal in 2014. In 2011 the US began secret talks with the Taliban in Qatar, but the Taliban pulled out in March, accusing the Americans of continuously changing their positions. At the time the US military and the CIA were opposed to peace talks. The new US policy document signals that there is now much greater consensus in Washington for talks with the Taliban. So far the Pakistan military has been loath to call its moves a "change" or "shift" of policy, because that would imply that it supported the Taliban in the past. Military officials argue that Pakistan has been calling for Afghan reconciliation for years, but the facts are that in the past the military has not taken any positive steps to implement reconciliation - something it is now doing. The civilian government has little input in Pakistan's Afghanistan policy. Reluctance The motives for the army's change of thinking is largely due to the worsening security and economic crises as hundreds of people are killed every month. Pakistan faces an insurgency in the north with terrorist strikes being carried out by the Pakistani Taliban, a separatist movement in Balochistan province and ever increasing ethnic and sectarian violence in Karachi. The army, which has endured heavy casualties fighting the Pakistani Taliban, is deeply reluctant to get involved in more fighting. Gen Kayani is now banking on the hope that reconciliation among the Afghans will have a knock-on positive effect on the Pakistani Taliban also - depriving them of legitimacy and recruits. There are several balls now in play. The US insists that the Qatar process is not dead and will respond positively if the Taliban resume that dialogue. Pakistan is not part of the Qatar process and is anxious that its own peace process gets off the ground. Until now the Taliban have said they will not talk to the Kabul government, but Pakistan may get them to change their mind. Qatar's failure has also led to a fierce intra-Taliban debate about the usefulness of talks. Pakistan does not control the Taliban and nor can it force them to the table. However a signal from the military at the right time that Taliban safe havens, recruitment drives, fundraising and other activities will come to an end by a certain date will put enormous pressure on the Taliban. Yet Pakistan cannot afford to antagonise the Taliban so that another front is opened and they join up with Pakistani extremists to fight the government. Time is now of the essence, even for the Taliban as their own public support base would not relish the thought of war continuing beyond 2014. And although President Karzai is unpopular, he cannot be a candidate for presidential elections in 2014, which now offers the opportunity of a new and invigorated Afghan leadership. Pakistan has supported the Taliban for too long and has paid a bitter, bloody price. However if all players are now learning that there is no way forward except for reconciliation, that effort needs uninhibited international support. The Americans in particular need to appoint a heavyweight diplomat to take the peace process forward, and President Obama needs to personally get engaged - something he has declined to do so far. Nato needs to play less of a waiting game and be more proactive in pushing the US to speed up the talks process. Above all, the Afghans who have battled for 34 years need to show maturity and seek a peaceful resolution to their wars.

شهد الجيش الباكستاني تحولا جذريا في السياسة في الأسابيع الأخيرة، كما يكتب الصحفي والكاتب أحمد رشيد. فبعد عقد من الزمان قضاه في السماح لطالبان الأفغانية بالملاذ والحرية لمواصلة تمردها في أفغانستان، فإنها تدفع الآن نحو إجراء محادثات سلام بين طالبان والحكومة الأفغانية والأميركيين قبل انسحاب قوات حلف شمال الأطلسي من أفغانستان في عام 2014.

وجهة نظر: تسعى باكستان إلى إجراء محادثات أفغانية بين الحكومة وطالبان والولايات المتحدة

As well as meeting at the Town Hall, visitors will see progress on the £189m library being built in Centenary Square. The 10-storey development, which will have an outdoor amphitheatre, is due to open next year. The site will also include a theatre, recording studio and free access to the National Film Archive.

يجتمع أكثر من 250 من كبار أمناء المكتبات من أوروبا في برمنغهام لمناقشة مستقبل خدمات المكتبات.

أمناء المكتبات الأوروبيون يزورون منشأة برمنغهام البالغة قيمتها 189 مليون جنيه إسترليني

The sale of land next to the ground at Park Avenue for social housing along with match funding from the Football Association of Wales will allow the club to install a 3G pitch. The club and housing association Tai Ceredigion originally wanted to build 80 flats and create a new 500-seater stand along with a new clubhouse. But Ceredigion council rejected it. A council statement said the plans had been approved subject to changes being made to an access road to the development.

تمت الموافقة على خطط بناء 33 شقة بجانب ملعب نادي أبيريستويث تاون إف سي.

تمت الموافقة على خطة الشقق الخاصة بنادي Aberystwyth Town FC

What prompted the latest government action? In July, dozens of French Roma armed with hatchets and iron bars attacked a police station, hacked down trees and burned cars in the small Loire Valley town of Saint Aignan. The riot erupted after a gendarme shot and killed a French Roma, 22-year-old Luigi Duquenet, who officials said had driven through a police checkpoint, knocking over a policeman. Media reports suggested he had been involved in a burglary earlier that day. Duquenet's family dispute the police version of events, saying he was scared of being stopped because he did not have a valid driver's licence. The night before, there were riots in Grenoble after police shot an alleged armed robber during a shootout. French President Nicolas Sarkozy called an emergency ministerial meeting, at which it was decided that some 300 illegal camps and squats would be dismantled within three months. A statement from the president's office said the camps were "sources of illegal trafficking, of profoundly shocking living standards, of exploitation of children for begging, of prostitution and crime". Dozens of camps have since been shut down. Those found to be living illegally in France are being sent home. The move is part of a raft of new hardline security measures recently announced by the government, which has struggled with low approval ratings in the opinion polls. Has this happened before? In fact, France has closed down illegal Roma camps and sent their inhabitants home for years. Last year 10,000 Roma were sent back to Romania and Bulgaria, the government says. What is the EU doing about it? EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding described the deportations as a "disgrace" and the European Commission took a first step towards legal action against France. On 29 September the Commission told France that it had two weeks to start implementing a 2004 EU directive on freedom of movement. France was warned that it would face an official EU "infringement procedure" if it failed to do so. The directive sets out rules for deportation cases. On 19 October Ms Reding said she was satisfied that France had responded "positively" to the Commission's official request. The Commission decided not to pursue the infringement procedure. The Commission refrained from opening a case against France for alleged discrimination, instead demanding more proof to support France's claim that it was not deliberately targeting Roma. Wholesale action against an ethnic minority would violate EU anti-discrimination laws, including the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In a speech to the European Parliament in September Ms Reding deplored the fact that a leaked official memo had contradicted assurances given to her by France that the Roma were not being singled out. "This is a situation I had thought Europe would not have to witness again after the Second World War," she said. Many MEPs also condemned France's deportations. The Commission has set up a task force to examine how EU funds earmarked for Roma are being spent. It is also checking to see whether any other member states are violating EU rules in their treatment of Roma. Has there been criticism elsewhere? Yes. The European Roma Rights Centre said Mr Sarkozy's plan "reinforces discriminatory perceptions about Roma and travellers and inflames public opinion against them". Romanian President Traian Basescu said he understood "the problems created by the Roma camps outside the French cities" but he insisted on the "right of every European citizen to move freely in the EU". The UN's Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination sharply criticised France's crackdown and said racism and xenophobia were undergoing a "significant resurgence". The Vatican and other Church leaders have also voiced concern. Who are the Roma, and how many Roma are there in France? The Roma are a nomadic people whose ancestors are thought to have left north-west India at the beginning of the 11th Century and scattered across Europe. There are at least 400,000 Roma - or travelling people - living in France, who are part of long-established communities. In addition, there are about 12,000 Roma from Bulgaria and Romania, many of whom live in unauthorised camps in urban areas across the country, according the French Roma rights umbrella group FNASAT. Romania and Bulgaria joined the EU in 2007, don't their citizens have freedom of movement within the EU? They have the right to enter France without a visa, but under special rules they must have work or residency permits if they wish to stay longer than three months. These are hard to come by, and most Roma from the two countries are thought to be in France illegally. Nine other EU states also have restrictions in place, typically requiring work permits. From January 2014, or seven years after the two countries' accession, Romanians and Bulgarians will enjoy full freedom of movement anywhere in the EU. Is France united behind the deportations? French Interior Minister Brice Hortefeux said the new measures were "not meant to stigmatise any community, regardless of who they are, but to punish illegal behaviour". The government said the measures were in line with European rules. Opinion polls suggest that as many as 65% of French people back the government's tough line. Foreign-born Roma are often seen begging on the streets of France's cities, and many French people consider them a nuisance. French opposition parties have condemned the deportations and Mr Sarkozy has faced dissent in his cabinet, too. Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said he was "shocked" by the government's focus on people of foreign origin, while Defence Minister Herve Morin said any programme based purely on police repression was doomed to fail. A member of Mr Sarkozy's own UMP party, Jean-Pierre Grand, a centre-right politician, compared police round-ups of the Roma in camps to the large-scale arrests, known in French as "rafles", of French Jews and Gypsies during World War II. What will happen to the Roma who have been sent home? Bulgarian and Romanian Roma face discrimination at home, and Roma communities in both countries have faced forced evictions. Generally, they have a low standard of living, high unemployment and low literacy levels. Some Roma threatened with deportation say that if they are sent home, they will simply come back.

تقوم فرنسا بترحيل الروما الرومانيين والبلغاريين (الغجر) بشكل مثير للجدل كجزء من حملة قمع على المخيمات غير القانونية في البلاد. وكان السبب وراء ذلك هو الاشتباك الذي وقع في يوليو/تموز بين الغجر الفرنسيين والشرطة في بلدة سانت إيجنان. وقد تعرضت عمليات الترحيل الفرنسية لانتقادات واسعة النطاق في الاتحاد الأوروبي.

سؤال وجواب: طرد الغجر في فرنسا

By Jamie RobertsonBusiness reporter, BBC News The financial crisis massively reduced the choices available to British customers, as weaker banks and building societies were forced to merge with stronger rivals. By 2011, the biggest four banks had more than three-quarters of all current accounts. The answer was to promote the growth of a new generation of smaller, more varied, more competitive institutions giving customers more options for handling their money - and to reduce the risk of too-big-to-fail banks that the government might one day have to rescue again. So the regulations changed and new names appeared on the High Street, online and, crucially, on mobile phone apps. They are a diverse bunch: some like TSB were spun off from bigger banks, deliberately marketing themselves as ready to take on the old industry "fat cats". Metro Bank opened its seven-day-a-week service in 2010 - the first new independent UK High Street bank in over 100 years. Others, like Wyelands, ClearBank, or Secure Trust Bank offered specialised banking services, while start-ups such as Atom, Tandem or Monzo offered pure digital platforms. Low interest rates, economic growth and a healthy property market were fertile ground for the newcomers. Last year, accountants PwC estimated that they employed 35,000 staff and served some 20 million customers. 'Broken bank' But the financial sands have been shifting. TSB managed to stand alone for a year before being taken over by Sabadell of Spain, and has since been struggling to contain the fallout from a botched attempt to move customers onto a new IT system. Nicky Morgan MP, chair of the Treasury Select Committee which cross-examined its chief executive Paul Pester, called TSB a "broken bank". There is a growing expectation that the sector is about to be hit by a wave of take-overs. Last year Shawbrook was bought out for around £870m by Pollen Street Capital and BC Partners, and Aldermore was bought by South Africa's FirstRand. Now Virgin Money is facing a £1.6bn bid from rival challenger CYBG, which owns the Clydesdale and Yorkshire Bank networks. John Lyons, partner at PwC and author of its 2017 report on challenger banks, believes they are ripe for consolidation - and that's no bad thing: "They have reached a new stage, when they have to gear up and merge if they want to compete at the next level." All the same, life for the challengers has become more challenging. Closing the tap Three months ago the Bank of England turned off a financial tap that the credit ratings agency Moody's estimates saves British banks some £800m a year in interest payments. The Term Funding Scheme (TFS) was set up to support bank lending immediately after the 2016 referendum. It offered cheap money - on the condition that the bank lent the money on to customers. According to the Bank of England £127bn has been lent to banks and building societies over the last two years with rock bottom interest rates, close to the base rate. More than 60 financial institutions took advantage of it. Virgin Money was one of the biggest borrowers among the challenger banks, receiving £6.4bn. Now the tap has been turned off, and funding is getting more expensive at a time when challengers are facing weaker economic growth and tough competition. To replace the TFS the banks are going to have to harvest depositors by putting up their savings rate - good for savers but tough for the banks. Craig Donaldson, chief executive of Metro Bank, says he has already seen an increase in deposit rates online but insists it won't affect Metro: "We win customers largely on service and convenience. If you want the best rate it will be somewhere online. But last year we grew our deposits by £3bn - we want our customers for the long term." However, as the banks change so do the customers. PwC and YouGov last year surveyed 2,000 UK consumers and found that over half (54%) would prefer to use a number of banks, having a mortgage here, a deposit account there, and a business account somewhere else. And for those people life is becoming easier. Fintechs arrive Since the beginning of the year open banking has arrived in the UK. This should allow customers to share their financial data securely with anyone they choose, allowing them to compare banks' products faster and more safely than ever before. Mr Lyons, explains how the new financial landscape will suit the digital banks: "These banks are still very small - typically having fewer than 150 employees and, for those that are active, fewer than 100,000 users. "They are positioning themselves to lead in the forthcoming era of open banking - which will require specific banks to share specific data securely through open [application programming interfaces] - the technological tools that will deliver this change." Some of the newcomers are already winning thousands of new customers a week without even being fully fledged banks, raising money from investors and offering cheap but limited financial services. Revolut, for instance, offers a current account service which allows you to make and receive payments, withdraw money from cash machines, and transfer money abroad. It can't call itself a bank, as it doesn't have a banking licence, though it is now applying for one. According to founder Nikolay Storonsky, it is adding 6-8,000 accounts every day: "As we are not a bank we cannot use clients' money. "At the moment with two million or so customers across Europe we are not real competition to the big banks, which have 20-30 million customers. But we offer free services and we provide better products." Revolut raised £179m from investors, valuing the company at £1.3bn, achieving the status of a tech "unicorn" - a private start-up valued at more than $1bn (£740m). So there's no shortage of funding for bright banking ideas which will continue to change the way we bank. Financial boost A big boost for the challengers is on its way from an unlikely source - RBS. In exchange for receiving state aid during the financial crisis it did a deal with the European Commission and the government, called the alternative remedies package (ARP). The ARP amounts to some £800m, to be earmarked for increasing competition in the banking sector. Some of this is for banks to invest in business banking services, while the rest will be for funding incentives for customers to switch banks. Mr Donaldson of Metro Bank thinks it could be a game changer. Metro is applying for £120m of the funds. "It could make a fundamental difference, and there is enormous responsibility on the committee deciding who will receive the funds. "At the moment we are opening 100 new business accounts a day. If we get this money we will spread it out across the UK. We will spend every penny on creating competition and jobs."

حتى هذا العام، كانت الأمور تتحسن بالنسبة للجيل الجديد من البنوك التي تحاول شق طريقها في السوق المصرفية البريطانية المعروفة بالصعوبة. لكن مشاكل مكتب تقييس الاتصالات أثارت علامة استفهام حول مستقبلهم.

اختيار العملاء تحت التهديد في البنوك البريطانية

By John HandBBC News Danger! The slowing global economy If you listen to the welter of weighty analysis and surveys, you'll be fairly convinced by now that 2016 will see global economies stumble compared to more recent times. The World Bank said on Wednesday it had revised its forecast for the global economy to expand by 2.9% this year. Just last summer, it was predicting 3.3%. The OECD has forecast a similarly gloomy global outlook for 2016, citing "doubts about future potential growth". And legendary US billionaire investor George Soros has warned that 2016 could see a global financial crisis on a similar scale to that which triggered the dramatic global downturn eight years ago. And this is the man who warned that we should all sit up and take notice of what was going on in Greece. But that's the world as a whole. Wasn't the UK the second fastest growing western economy last year? Isn't it the place the Daily Telegraph proudly reported was on track to become the world's fourth largest economy, leaving France and Germany floundering in its wake? The BBC's economics editor Kamal Ahmed explains: "There is an issue of how much it is for Britain to work on its own economy and make its own economy successful, and how Britain is interconnected to the rest of the world. "There is some stuff here in Britain that is a problem but the chancellor is saying that the global economy - these big macro trends - are the ones that will affect how we perform." Danger! China It used to be said that, when America sneezes, the world catches a cold. But much of the global recovery from the financial crisis of 2008 has been built on China's booming economy. But Chinese economic failures were the very first element that Mr Osborne highlighted as one of the dangers that could influence the UK economy in 2016. The world's most populous country has been a catalyst for global economic growth, but the pace of that growth has slowed markedly. That intensified fears about China's waning need for the world's commodities, such as oil, fears that have sparked significant stock market volatility over the past few days - trading had to be suspended completely twice this week to avoid an epidemic of panic selling. These days, when China shakes, the world wobbles - just witness the reaction of Europe's leading markets this week. Danger! Oil prices Falling prices at UK petrol pumps - now below £1 a litre in many places - have put about £3 a week back in the pockets of the average driver and boosted the British economy's feelgood factor. That has been prompted by oil prices falling below $33 a dollar and has provided a fillip for the many businesses that rely on goods being driven around the UK and Europe. Kamal Ahmed explains that it is "great news for consumers here", but bad news for the many global economies that rely heavily on exporting oil. And, he says, that comes back to bite the UK because some of those nations are important buyers of British exports, exports they now struggle to afford. Danger! Rising interest rates? The UK interest rate - set independently by the Bank of England - has been held at 0.5% since 2009. Long gone are the monthly adjustments that affected how much it costs to borrow money and therefore determined the level of most mortgage repayments. But rates are set to rise sooner rather than later - with expectation heightened by an interest rate rise in the US last month. Kamal Ahmed explains that while the chancellor is hoping a UK increase will demonstrate a return to "normality", there is a concern about the impact on consumer confidence. "The concern in the Treasury is that there are a lot of mortgage holders that have never experienced an interest rate rise," says Kamal. But if the expected rise doesn't come and rates stay as they are, that would equally be a cause for concern for the Treasury. Our correspondent explains: "They fear that because money is so cheap, people could be encouraged to overextend themselves because they're feeling 'the economy is back on track, I might just take on a little bit more borrowing'. "There is a concern that we will take on too much personal debt. And that means there is a concern that when the interest rate rise eventually comes, the public reaction will be very negative - even though that rate rise will be a very small one." Danger! Complacency The chancellor himself points out that one of the biggest risks to the British economy recovery is "complacency". The BBC's assistant political editor Norman Smith suggests Mr Osborne is using language designed to shake up the British electorate, and adds: "It reads like the trailer for an apocalyptic American action movie. It's deliberately done like that because he fears we are suffering from 'austerity fatigue'. "His fear is that people are thinking 'things are pretty much ticking along OK, let's just take our foot off the gas and get back to the good old days'. "The political intent is pretty clear. One is we are going to have to carry on with very difficult spending curbs." Critics have pointed out that Mr Osborne himself would have encouraged that complacency by pushing such a positive line in his recent Autumn Statement, in which he used an unexpected £27bn windfall to rewrite his plans for spending and cuts. So the warning about complacency can be seen as a clear attempt to re-emphasise the difference the economic approach of the chancellor and that of Labour - and to highlight what he says are the dangers of Jeremy Corbyn's anti-austerity message.

حذر وزير المالية البريطاني جورج أوزبورن من أن عام 2016 يبدو وكأنه يقدم "كوكتيلاً خطيراً" يجب تجنبه بعناية لضمان عدم ترك اقتصاد المملكة المتحدة غير مستقر على قدميه. ما هي - بحسب المستشارة - المكونات الرئيسية لهذا الكوكتيل؟

اقتصاد المملكة المتحدة: أوضحت تحذيرات جورج أوزبورن

By Will ChalkNewsbeat reporter When that mistake was spending £15,000 building and blowing up a giant sand sculpture of a woolly mammoth, the lesson for Everything Everything was clear. "The dynamite went off and the head just slowly slid to the floor, it was the most anti-climactic thing," laughs singer Jonathan Higgs. "We were in a supermarket in Germany when the video came through and we were all just watching on our phones going, 'what the hell have we wasted all that money on?'" The footage, filmed over a decade ago, never saw the light of the day and their music videos since have mostly been directed by Jonathan himself, often for little or no money. So, ahead of the release of the band's fifth album Re-Animator, we've been picking his brains for any other big lessons he's learnt over the years. The first one is surprisingly simple. "I think people like to see violence or sex or death or humour, but not all of them are possible," Jonathan says. "We're never going to do a sexy video, because... well, look at us." He's got a point. Not about the attractiveness, or otherwise, of his band mates, but about the fact that - from dancing fatbergs to monkey puppets and angry cavemen - you'd be hard pressed to call any of Everything Everything's videos sexy. "I look at it as what kind of films do I like. My favourite bits of films are the spectacular bits - but also the most impassioned bits", Jonathan says. "I think people connect to a real emotion much more than they do a slick image or expensive looking thing - as long as your heart is in it, then that will come across. "We've made some really cheap videos, but you just have to put your passion into different areas rather than than trying to make it look great." Arguably their most ambitious video was, in fact, the cheapest. In Birdsong is a five minute journey through decaying 3D models of the band's friends and family - it's enough to make you need a lie down afterwards, and Jonathan made it completely with free software demos. "Just yesterday someone asked me to make a new model for something else and when I opened up the software my trial had expired - so I couldn't," he says. "It shows you what a wing and a prayer I made this thing on. "My free trial was counting down day after day, I had the deadline for finishing the video coming up and I didn't even really know how to use the programme. You might also like: "I'm sure if somebody professional looked at the finished video they'd find loads wrong with it - but it didn't matter because the images I was using were of people in my life, so I think the passion I put into it came across. "It's not perfect at all, but it's full of love." So, if you are starting out in the music industry and you want to make your own videos on the cheap, what should you do? "Get good at editing, because that's where videos live or die", Jonathan says. "It doesn't matter how good things are in front of your camera, if you can't edit them, it will never work. "See how it makes you feel if the picture changes when the snare hits or the kick drum pounds - it feels like you're watching moving music, and that's why people love music videos. "And keep forcing more and more stuff in because people's attention spans are tiny. You want to be seeing something new basically twice a second. "Keep it moving and keep it full of emotion. Those are my tips." Re-Animator is released on 11 September. Follow Newsbeat on Instagram, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Listen to Newsbeat live at 12:45 and 17:45 weekdays - or listen back here.

يقولون أنه يجب عليك أن تتعلم من أخطائك.

كل شيء كل شيء: ملوك مقاطع الفيديو الموسيقية الغريبة التي تصنعها بنفسك

The unnamed woman was trying to reach a kitten called Bella from the garden of a house in Morland Court, Peterborough. Firefighters had to be called and rescued both cat and owner on Tuesday. Both were unharmed. A spokeswoman for Cambridgeshire Fire and Rescue Service said people should not "risk their own lives" to save a pet. Read more Cambridgeshire stories here A spokeswoman for Cambridgeshire Fire and Rescue Service said: "We know that people love animals and would risk their own lives to save a family pet or other animal in distress. "Our advice would always be to avoid putting yourself in danger and to contact the RSPCA in the first instance."

اضطرت امرأة حاولت انتشال قطة من شجرة إلى إنقاذ نفسها بعد أن علقت أثناء التسلق.

امرأة بيتربورو عالقة في شجرة في عملية إنقاذ فاشلة لقطط

By Lucy SherriffBBC News Eric Beninger, who lives in Palo Colorado Canyon in Big Sur, saw many of his neighbours' homes destroyed by the 2016 Soberanes fire, one of the most expensive wildfires in US history. The 2017 wildfire season was one of the worst in the state's history, with more than 9,000 fires burning 1.2 million acres (500,000 hectares). Last year, the fire that hit Paradise alone killed 86 people. After witnessing the devastation of his own community, Mr Beninger decided to recruit his neighbours and train up an independent fire team to be on standby for future fires. "When the fire crews finally arrived, they had to decide which houses to just let burn," he says. "Everything was on fire." The Soberanes fire, which burnt for three months, destroyed 57 homes and cost around $260m (£200m) to suppress. Of the 27 homes along Mr Beninger's road, only eight survived. The US Forest Service's response was subsequently criticised for its handling of the fire. Even help from the region's volunteer service was not enough to stop the flames. "After the fire started, the neighbours mostly fled," Mr Beninger recalled. "A few of us stayed behind to protect our homes, because we knew we weren't going to get help. We risked our lives to be here, not knowing what the fire would do. "Where we live is difficult to reach, it's secluded. And we were forgotten about." The fire chief of the Mid Coast Fire Brigade, the volunteer fire service that tackled the blaze, said they worked hard to protect the residents and their homes in the days that the fire burned. "The brigade worked relentlessly with little food or sleep during the first seven days of the fire," says Cheryl Goetz. "These are not just people in a community - to us they are neighbours, friends, co-workers and family." There will never be enough resources to get out in front of and stop these types of fires as they are spreading at rapid rates, says Ms Goetz. "Despite our best efforts, even as we were advised of a person trapped by the fire, the intensity of the fire and the numerous trees falling forced us out of the area." Mr Beninger is a carpenter, but used to be a firefighter with the US Forest Service in one of the hotshot crews - teams known as America's "elite" firefighters due to the danger of their work. He says he and two friends helped save three homes from burning - by using water bottles from the Red Cross. "We had a shovel - no chainsaws though, mine had burnt in the fire. We were just this tiny makeshift fire brigade in a pick-up truck with some water bottles." That's where the idea began, said Mr Beninger, who soon after heard about a small fire truck for sale in nearby Carmel Valley. The owner gave it to him for half the price, and now it's up to him to restore it and build a team. The fire truck is built around a 1973 Dodge Power Wagon, and has a four wheel drive, meaning it can access the canyon's almost-impassable dirt roads. "At the moment we don't have a big crew, but we're speaking with another six neighbours and we're going to do what we can. We're going to give everybody basic fire training." Mr Beninger is planning barbecues, calendars - "men and women" he noted - and "whatever it takes" to drum up the $10,000 needed to get started. "The best part is making our community tighter. Having the truck is one thing, but knowing how to use it and bringing everybody closer is more important. I don't know if we're going to be able to save any homes, but we're going to try." Ms Goetz advises people should be careful about setting up their own firefighting teams as her volunteers are fully trained. It's better if householders take steps to protect their homes, she says: - Clearing vegetation around their homes - 100ft minimum - Ensure you have access to a water source that will not be compromised by loss of electricity - Clearly mark that water source for all incoming firefighting equipment - Clearly address your property so firefighting resources know and understand there's a home up that dirt road More on California wildfires An August 2018 assessment found the state could see a 77% increase in the average area burned by wildfires in 2100. A Cal Fire report, published in March 2019, noted as many as 15 million acres of California forests are in "poor health", needing work to boost fire resiliency. Experts have warned there is now no longer a "typical" California wildfire season, and that the risk may be year-round. "If the community doesn't do something to protect itself, who will?" added Mr Beninger. "I think it's going to be a great addition to the neighbourhood, it will bring people back together. We were devastated by that fire; families fled, there used to be lots of children here but now there aren't. "The fire could've been handled within days, but there just weren't the resources. We're going to take care of our own." The truck's already got a nickname - Scarlett - which Mr Beninger wants on the uniforms. "They won't be anything too fancy, but we might have some scarlet on there, maybe some redwoods , ocean and the mountains. But we'll have to change the writing on the side of the truck." After a few moments he added, with a chuckle: "Maybe we could call it the forgotten canyon fire department?" UPDATE: This story was first published on 9 April, then re-published on 24 April with statements from the Mid Coast Fire Brigade

لعدة سنوات متتالية، دمرت الحرائق ساحل كاليفورنيا، وتتعرض خدمة الإطفاء لضغوط متزايدة بموارد أقل. يقوم أحد رجال الإطفاء السابقين بتكوين فريق إطفاء خاص به، لكن هل هذا هو النهج الصحيح؟

رجال الإطفاء المواطنون يكافحون الحرائق في "الوادي المنسي" في كاليفورنيا

About 60 people are expected to contest the 24 available seats in the House of Keys - Tynwald's lower house. This year two MHKs will elected from each of the 12 constituencies following a reform of the Isle of Man's electoral boundaries. Those looking to win election to the world's oldest continuous parliament must register by 13:00 BST. The island's 2016 general election is due to take place on 22 September and the deadline to register to vote is 1 September.

أمام المرشحين الذين يعتزمون الترشح في الانتخابات العامة في جزيرة مان حتى يوم الأربعاء للتسجيل.

الانتخابات العامة لجزيرة مان 2016: الموعد النهائي لمرشحي Keys يقترب

Two new buildings opened at the further education college, which caters for 16-to-18-year-olds and adult learners. The development includes a 240-seat theatre, a hair and beauty salon, restaurant and kitchens, a TV studio, lecture theatre and seminar rooms. The work is the final stage of eight years of redevelopment costing £48m. A spokeswoman for the college, in St Mary's, said about "80% of the campus is now new and purpose-built for the highly-vocational curriculum".

تم الكشف عن عملية إعادة تطوير لكلية مدينة ساوثامبتون بقيمة 34 مليون جنيه إسترليني للطلاب في اليوم الأول من العام الدراسي الجديد.

تجديد جديد بقيمة 34 مليون جنيه إسترليني في كلية مدينة ساوثامبتون

Valeria PerassoSocial Affairs correspondent, WS Languages Ten women walk along a busy, fluorescent-lit corridor. Undressed from the waist down, they wear big white sheets knotted over their hips, as they make their way to the "relaxation room", a windowless space, equipped with large sofas and a TV. There they wait for their turn to have an abortion. This is Hope Medical Group, a small abortion clinic in Shreveport, Louisiana, serving a 200-mile radius through rural Louisiana, neighbouring Texas, Arkansas and Mississippi. Appointments fill up quickly for mainly first-trimester abortions. Thirty women are scheduled to come in today - and only one fails to show up. "You think this is busy? Wait to see what Saturdays are like," says Kathaleen Pittman, the clinic's administrator. Pittman says she has trouble sleeping at night, but its not because of a guilty conscience. "Hell no, it's because I'm worried about how we can take care of patients with all these new rules they're trying to impose," the 60-year-old Louisiana native says. When Pittman joined Hope in the 1980s, things were different. Back then there were 11 abortion providers across the state. Now there are three to serve 10,000 women, Pittman estimates. Nationwide the number of clinics has plunged in the last decade. Seven states are now down to just one. And with newly approved regulations, the pressure for medical providers is mounting. In 2017, 19 states passed 63 abortion restrictions. Twenty-nine states now have enough restrictions to be considered hostile to abortion rights by the research group Guttmacher Institute. The issue is high on the political agenda of the federal government too. In his first year as president, Donald Trump appointed a conservative Supreme Court justice and cut federal aid to international groups that advise on pregnancy termination. And anti-abortion activists have also become louder since the 2016 election. "Let me tell you, things aren't getting any better," Pittman says. Lucy Lucy travelled for three hours to get to the clinic. Eight weeks pregnant, she took a day off from work as a store cashier in a town she prefers not to name, and asked a friend to drive her. At 21, she is on her own with a 10-month-old baby. Her daughter, Bradley, will be one in October and Lucy doesn't want a newborn just a few months later. "I want to go back to school and with two kids it ain't working," she says. She will go ahead with the abortion, she says, regardless of the father's wishes. "It is the same guy from my first baby and he doesn't really take care of her, so I wouldn't expect him to take care of a second." Lucy begins her visit with a counselling session made mandatory by state legislation. It is a one-to-one conversation with one the clinic's advisers, in which the patient goes through a long consent form. Delia, the counsellor in charge, explains the potential risks outlined in the law in well-rehearsed detail: infection, clots and haemorrhages, perforation of the uterus wall. The list goes on. Lucy listens, not a hint of hesitation on her face. She explains she may need financial help, as her paycheque is around $525, less than the $550 fee for the procedure. Louisiana only covers the cost of abortion under Medicaid for cases of rape, incest or life endangerment. A contribution from clinic's private funds brings the bill down to $400. She can get an appointment five days later. "Tuesday? That's fine," Lucy nods. "Wednesday's my day off work so I'll get some rest after." A 45-year divide Abortion has been legal in the US since the 1973 landmark Supreme Court ruling Roe v Wade. It has been a contentious issue ever since, one that splits deeply along ideological and religious lines. A 2017 study from Pew Research Center revealed that "the partisan divide on abortion remains far more polarised" than it was two decades ago. And the last presidential race was no exception. During the campaign, Trump promised he would take action to "advance the rights of unborn children and their mothers" but his choice of Mike Pence, one of the most active anti-abortion politicians in the US, as running mate was a bold stance in the eyes of his conservative supporters. The results for the Trump administration have been mixed. Legislation to effectively defund Planned Parenthood, the largest network of women's clinics in the US, failed to get through Congress. But in January this year, Trump issued a directive making it easier for states to exclude Planned Parenthood facilities from government-funded programmes, and another one allowing healthcare workers to refuse to perform an abortion based on "religious or moral" objections. Safety and surveillance At Hope's front desk, a receptionist buzzes patients through a reinforced door, while she monitors the clinic's perimeter on an overhead screen displaying footage from 15 CCTV cameras. Trespassing, burglary and vandalism have shown a marked uptick in clinics nationwide since the last presidential election campaign kicked off. Reports of intimidation tactics and threats have escalated, according to the National Abortion Federation (NAF), a professional association for abortion doctors that has been compiling statistics since 1977. Threats of violence or death almost doubled at clinics in 2017 while trespassing cases more than tripled from a year earlier, The reported number of picketing incidents, for instance, was more than 78,000 in 2017 - an all-time high since NAF began keeping track. The National Clinic Violence Survey showed a spike too, with nearly half of all providers reporting some form of violence in 2016, a 6.2% increase from 2014. It comes as no surprise that Hope's two medical practitioners ask me to protect their anonymity. "Abortion foes destroy your ability to make a living," says a gynaecologist who has been working here for 36 years. He performs abortions two days a week but also runs a private practice in town. Anti-abortion activists left flyers all around his practice, telling neighbours he "killed babies" and threatening to "take him to Jesus". He had to get local police to patrol his house. "The pressure has been such that other physicians decided to stop doing abortions," he says. He is not planning on quitting. "This service is needed, especially in a poor, historically anti-choice state like ours." Praying warriors "The abortion debate is becoming prominent because there is no more important issue in life than life itself," says Chris Davis, a spokesman for the pro-life community in Shreveport. He meets me outside Bossier Medical Suite, a 15-minute drive north of Hope. This was the most recent Louisiana clinic to close down, in April 2017. It's a terracotta-bricked, unassuming building in an open commercial piazza, surrounded by an empty parking lot. "This was usually packed with cars," Davis says. "We prayed every day outside this facility and we feel that God has answered those prayers in a very big way." Davis, a father of three who defines himself as a "strong Christian", takes part in a series of praying vigils held on the sidewalks outside clinics. They call themselves the Praying Warriors. They camp outside the perimeter and try to get the patients' attention as they walk in. Trespassing regulations prevent them from stepping onto the clinics' grounds. "What we focus on is not necessarily overturning Roe v Wade overnight," Davis says. "With every woman that changes her mind after talking to us or seeing us pray, Roe v Wade is overturned in a grassroots effort. One woman, one baby at a time". Catalya Catalya avoids all contact with the protesters outside Hope when she rushes into the clinic. Dressed in sweatpants, flip-flops and a well-worn red shirt, the 22-year-old drove two hours from Mount Pleasant, Texas, to have an abortion. It will be her second. "With my boyfriend we had already agreed that we could not afford to have a child right now. It was either abortion or adoption... and I just can't imagine giving my child away". The couple already has a one-year-old. "I work evenings and the father works mornings," she says. "But we are being offered less work lately, it's been hard to get by." Together they make around $800 a month from 10-hour shifts in a food processing plant. "And we are never together with Andre. That's already bad, how can we put another child through the same?" If she earned more, Catalya says, she'd "definitely" keep the pregnancy. Hers is a well-known tale for the clinic's workers. Financial constraints, they say, is the main reason given by women here - overwhelmingly African-American, lacking educational opportunities and access to contraception - for terminating their pregnancies. Catalya tells me she's having second thoughts, but doesn't share them with the counsellor. She thinks it's a personal matter that would be best decided at home - she still has to convince her boyfriend. The ultrasound scan confirms Catalya is five weeks pregnant. She refuses to look at the screen during the examination. "There's no heartbeat 'cause it's way too early, but the fact it's a baby bothers me," she tells me once the scan is over. She burst into tears. "It is not the baby's fault… it's nobody's fault." She pauses, wipes off her cheeks and looks up, recomposed. "We simply cannot afford it, I'm sorry." State battlegrounds Making abortion illegal again in the US would be a complex matter. Only the Supreme Court or a constitutional amendment would have the power to overturn Roe v Wade. So in recent years, conservatives have sought to change rules at state level, rather than seek an outright ban. In the first six months of Trump's time in office, 431 provisions restricting abortion access were introduced in state capitols across the country, as monitored by the Guttmacher Institute. Louisiana has one of the most controversial bills of the lot - a ban on abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy, instead of the current 20-week limit, passed the state Senate in April. If it is signed into law, it will become the second strictest time limit nationwide, on a par with Mississippi and only behind Iowa. Critics deem these laws unconstitutional. "Restrictions, restrictions," sighs Kathaleen Pittman. "Probably the first one that affected us dramatically was the 24-hour waiting period." Since 1995, all women must meet with a doctor at least 24 hours prior to getting an abortion, making two separate appointments. Louisiana wants to extend it to 72 hours, but the law has been blocked with a lawsuit filed by the Center for Reproductive Rights. Tripling the current 24-hour rule will put Louisiana on par with just five other states for the nation's longest mandatory waiting time. "The double visit system is hard enough as it is." says Stephannie Chaffee, who has been working with Pittman for 10 years. "Lots of women take a day off work and lose wages, many have to find somebody who would babysit for them. And they have to do that twice". "They travel distances, sometimes they need to pay for lodging. Imposing a 72-hour waiting period would make the process even more costly," Chaffee says. Battle lines drawn A tropical storm rages over Shreveport on Saturday, the day the clinic is at its busiest. There are 50 abortions scheduled, twice as many as on weekdays. The heavy rain does not deter patients from showing up. Outside, there is also a sudden flurry of activity. A group of anti-abortion activists have gathered on the sidewalks, battling the rain with extra-large umbrellas. There are 32 of them, of all ages, engaged in a low-paced pilgrimage as they say prayers and hold crosses, bibles and rosaries. A trailer van drives by, slowly and unceasingly, displaying a giant billboard with an image of a foetus and the words: "Will you protect me?" "We are not here to attack doctors, we are here to promote life right where life is being destroyed," says Richard Sonnier, who has knelt down, his arms raised to the sky. He tells me he paid for an ex-girlfriend's abortion some 40 years ago and has regretted it ever since. "This is our time. Changes in the law will lead to a lot of clinic closures," says Charles, a man holding an imposing wooden crucifix. "It's about time this city becomes abortion-free". Days earlier Chris Davis told me "this is a culture war". If there's such war, then this Shreveport corner is a battleground, the two antagonising camps strikingly visible. For almost every anti-abortion activist, there's a clinic volunteer. As much as having Republicans in the White House has emboldened anti-abortion groups, it has also encouraged larger numbers of reproductive rights supporters to take action. Dressed in fluorescent vests, chaperones are here to escort cars into the parking lot. "These women have a lot in their minds already, seeing a friendly face here might help them," says 69-year-old Ron Thurston, who is one of Hope's regulars. "The protestors are addressing the wrong people," adds Christian, 23. "This battle comes down to legislation, so I don't get why they think they'll get things their way by shouting at women in distress". Inside the clinic, everyone is keeping an eye on the CCTV screens. "Do we feel intimidated? Hell no," says Pittman, adding she is "too busy to be angry". There's a crowded waiting room of patients. 'I feel some regret' When I called Lucy a week after her procedure at Hope, she has recovered and is back to her cashier job. But things for her did not go exactly as planned. "It was bad, really painful even though they said it wouldn't be," she says. She wouldn't do it again - and not just because of the physical pain. "I feel… sort of regret," she says. "I talked to the father, I would have kept the baby in hindsight... I didn't think I was going regret it but the truth is I do". Catalya also went ahead with the abortion. Her partner drove her to the clinic and waited the four hours. On the way back they stopped for ice cream, her favourite treat. "Of course it is hard, it's not a decision made lightly", she says. "But it was best for our family." "I'm really relieved that I had the opportunity, with my rights as a woman and all, to come and get an abortion." Some names have been changed at the request of the interviewees to protect their privacy.

ستفقد المنظمات التي تقدم أو تذكر الإجهاض لمرضاها التمويل الفيدرالي بموجب الخطط الجديدة التي يضعها فريق الرئيس ترامب. إحدى العيادات وأعداؤها يفكرون في الخطوة التالية في الجدل المستقطب حول الإجهاض في أمريكا.

على خطوط المعركة حول الإجهاض في الولايات المتحدة

Ravindra Parmar knew that pursuing a relationship with an upper-caste woman would be dangerous. He is a Dalit (formerly known as "untouchable"), a caste that sits at the lowest rung of India's social ladder. The woman he fell in love with, Shilpaba Upendrasinh Vala, is a Rajput - a Hindu warrior caste near the apex of the system. The yawning gap between his position and hers is something rarely bridged in Indian society. "We are not even allowed to walk past their area and I had dared to marry into their family," he says. "Those who marry inter-caste are seen as aliens. The perception is that they are terrorists who revolt in society." Ravindra and Shilpaba were born and brought up in two villages separated by more than 100km (62 miles) in the western state of Gujarat. They met on Facebook and would spend hours taking digs at each other. But all that friendly banter had a deep impact on Shilpaba. "I was like any other village girl limited to home and college, but he broadened my horizon, made me realise that my life has more meaning," she says. Social media has opened a space that did not exist a few decades ago. Rigid caste and religious divides meant that the possibility of meeting, interacting and striking friendships in public places was neither possible nor encouraged. The caste system is hereditary, and the practice of marrying within the caste ensures that the hierarchy is perpetuated. Caste divisions have deep roots in history and Dalit men who have married women from upper castes have been killed. Marriages across caste or religion in India are uncommon. According to the India Human Development Survey, only about 5% of Indian marriages are inter-caste. The onus of upholding tradition, culture and "purity" falls on the woman and if she marries outside traditional boundaries, she is seen as besmirching the honour of the community and her family. The anger and backlash can lead to violent attacks and killings. Shilpaba had to flee from her village to marry Ravindra. But the threat of violence has continued to hang over them: they have moved between houses and cities a dozen times in the past three years. Ravindra is a trained engineer but had to leave his job and has had to do daily-wage labour wherever they have lived to make ends meet. Read more stories by Divya Arya Shilpaba says the stress became unbearable. They started blaming each other for their situation and she even contemplated taking her own life. "Ravindra convinced me out of it, as that was no solution," she says. "Now we are both studying law with a vision to take up human rights cases and make our parents proud through our work. "Maybe then they will see that we didn't take this decision to just have fun and they will accept us." 'Shocking' level of prejudice The latest data available from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) shows that 77 murder cases in 2016 were reported with "honour killing" as the motive. Such violence is highly under-reported and these numbers do not accurately reflect social attitudes that may be growing more conservative. A 2016 survey, Social Attitudes Research for India (Sari), conducted across Delhi, Mumbai, and the states of Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan found the majority of respondents opposed to inter-caste and inter-religious marriages. In fact they were in favour of a law banning such marriages. "It is quite shocking that despite rising levels of literacy and education, prejudicial beliefs do not reduce. In fact, they are worryingly high," says Professor Amit Thorat of Jawaharlal Nehru University, who worked on the Sari survey. "Religious and traditional values around hierarchies, around the notion of purity and pollution seem to be more sacrosanct and valuable than human rights, the right to live or the right to marry by choice." Feeling unsafe Bibi Ayisha and Aditya Verma were 17 years old when they fell in love. They too found each other on Facebook. That they were born into different religions - she is Muslim, he is Hindu - did not matter to them. But their families fiercely opposed the relationship. Aditya was born and grew up in Delhi. After finishing school, he enrolled in a college in the southern Indian city of Bangalore only because Ayisha lived there. But that sign of his dedication couldn't win her parents over: he was still a Hindu. Madly in love, and after waiting for two years, Ayisha ran away with Aditya. They moved to Delhi but, like Ravindra and Shilpaba, they still did not feel safe. "We were so scared that for five months we stayed in a room. Neither of us was working at that time. I thought if I stepped out, I would be killed, because I was Muslim and he was Hindu," says Ayisha. In February 2018, 23-year old Ankit Saxena was murdered in broad daylight in the capital Delhi for having a relationship with a Muslim woman. The woman's parents and two others were arrested and the trial is ongoing. Ayisha says that after that incident, the fear of a possible honour killing started feeling very real. "Even if we went out briefly, I was constantly looking around and if I saw anyone with a beard, I thought that they were members of my family coming to kill me." Spreading awareness Her fears have been set against the backdrop of an India where religious polarisation is increasing. A Hindu nationalist government has been in power since 2014 and is accused of normalising anti-Muslim sentiment. "I think the present environment is such that rather than bringing people and religions together, it is trying to fan the fires of division," says Prof Thorat. He is quick to point to the violent partition of India to underscore that such beliefs have existed for more than half a century, but believes that efforts to bridge divides are lacking. Ayisha's parents like Aditya but are not ready to accept him into their family unless he converts to Islam. Aditya's parents are equally unwilling for the marriage unless Ayisha adopts Hinduism. Both of them are opposed to adopting the other's religion - and losing their own. "When we fell in love, I knew she was a Muslim and she knew I was Hindu. We don't want that any of us should lose our identity," Aditya says. India passed a law in 1872 that enables legal registration of a marriage between a man and woman of different religions or caste without any conversion. Aditya found out about the Special Marriage Act through Asif Iqbal and Ranu Kulshreshtha, a couple who married inter-faith back in 2000. Soon after their marriage - in the aftermath of the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in 2002 - they witnessed targeting of couples like themselves and a lack of any support mechanisms. They set up an organisation called Dhanak, which spreads legal awareness and provides counselling as well as safe houses to couples who want to marry inter-faith or inter-caste. But awareness about the Special Marriage Act is very low. It also has a rule that requires a notice about the intended marriage to be displayed at a public place for a month, giving opportunity to anyone to place an objection. "This provision is often misused by fanatic Hindu groups like Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and Muslim organisations like Nizam-e-Mustafa, who would approach the families and pressure them to stop their daughters as daughters are easy targets," explains Asif Iqbal. According to him, the local police also do not encourage such marriages and instead play an active role in stopping them, especially in smaller towns. Rekha Sharma, chairperson of the government's advisory body, the National Commission for Women, agrees. "The government needs to do more in sensitising the police and legal officers about this, as the law helps in stopping conversion yet still enabling inter-faith marriage," she says. But she adds that lasting change cannot come only by enforcing laws, but by changing social mindsets. Acceptance is key for the survival of such couples as they deal with severe social and economic isolation. 'Trust and love' The Dhanak network has helped Ayisha feel safe. She has now met many couples like her and Aditya, and it gives her immense hope. "If you trust your partner and love them very much, then nothing else should matter. You should not waste time worrying about family and society. They will come around eventually," she says. After their marriage, Ravindra and Shilpaba decided to change their surname to Bharatiya, which means Indian. They decided to drop their original surname since it revealed their respective castes. Ravindra is an idealist - he believes that more inter-caste marriages will lead to a future in India where caste divisions will cease to be an issue.

لا تزال معظم العائلات الهندية تفضل الزيجات المرتبة ضمن دينها وطائفتها. وكثيراً ما أدى الزواج خارج هذه الحدود الصارمة إلى عواقب عنيفة، بما في ذلك جرائم "الشرف". لكن بعض الشباب الهندي ما زالوا على استعداد لتحدي عائلاتهم ومجتمعاتهم من أجل الحب، حسبما ذكرت مراسلة بي بي سي ديفيا آريا.

الأزواج الذين يهربون من أجل الحب في الهند

Mark Drakeford's political awakening came early. Nationalist fervour swept his home town of Carmarthen when Gwynfor Evans was elected as Plaid Cymru's first MP in 1966. At grammar school, Mr Drakeford remembers groups of pupils marching around chanting political slogans. English-only road signs lay piled on the ground, torn down the night before. The political climate fired the imagination of the young Drakeford, a clarinet-playing cricket fan. Trashing road signs was, he thought, a "fantastic thing to be doing", he told me. But the teenager thought class was more important than nationality, so he became a socialist and joined the Labour Party. In the final year of his Latin degree at the University of Kent in Canterbury, he answered an advert in the Guardian to become a probation officer. Arriving for work in Cardiff in 1979, he found the offenders in Ely living in substandard council houses. But there wasn't much a probation officer could do about that. So he stood for and was elected to South Glamorgan council in 1985. Back then, Cardiff's highly factional Labour Party was a "viper's nest", says one of his contemporaries. In the late 80s, the council was led by Jack Brooks, for years the right-hand man of former Prime Minister Jim Callaghan. "Jack was very much in control, very much the baron, the person in charge," says Labour AM Julie Morgan, a long-time friend and ally of Mr Drakeford. Lord Brooks threw his weight behind one of the signal projects of the day - the Cardiff Bay Barrage. Some were deeply opposed, including Mrs Morgan's late husband Rhodri, the former Cardiff West MP and future first minister. Mark Drakeford was an opponent too, believing it would cause flooding in his Pontcanna ward. Together with another future AM - Jane Hutt, then the councillor for Riverside - he was suspended from South Glamorgan council's Labour group for voting against it. Instead of civil engineering spectacles, Mr Drakeford preferred the grass-roots approach of setting up charities and community centres. Mr Drakeford was part of a leftish circle of Cardiff politicians who later joined Rhodri Morgan's "kitchen cabinet" in the Welsh government of the 2000s. Among them were Ms Hutt, Jane Davidson and Sue Essex. All three become assembly members and ministers. "These were all political friendships but we had a lot in common as well politically," Ms Hutt says. "Alliances and friendships go together often." In 1993 Mr Drakeford stood down from the council. He went into academia, teaching at Swansea and later at Cardiff University, where he became a professor of social policy. One of his students was future leader of Plaid Cymru Leanne Wood - like him, a probation officer who became an assembly member (AM). He got her an extension for her final assignment which was due while she was standing for Plaid Cymru at the 1997 general election. "He believed I would learn more running a general election campaign about how to help people than on the course for two months," she says. His bid to become the AM for Cardiff Central in the first assembly election in 1999 failed. Nevertheless, he came to wield huge influence over devolution - arguably more influence than most AMs. When Alun Michael was ousted as first secretary, Mr Drakeford became a special adviser on health and social care under Rhodri Morgan. They already knew each other well through the Cardiff West constituency. Mr Drakeford had been Mr Morgan's election agent. Jane Hutt, Mr Morgan's health minister, says it was a "huge bonus" having her old friend there at the start of devolution when things were "really tough". Soon, he went to work directly for the first minister, trying to stabilise the Welsh Government and give it a purpose. "We saw him as the main intellectual driving force of the left in Wales," says Darren Williams, a member of Labour's ruling executive from Cardiff. It was a frantic start for devolution. The institution lurched from one controversy to another. In the government's Cardiff Bay offices, a former minister says: "There was always this pool of calm where Mark was sitting on the fifth floor amid the chaos." Former Welsh Liberal Democrat leader Lord German, deputy first minister in a Labour-led coalition, calls Mr Drakeford the "Sherpa" who "stood at Rhodri's shoulder". In his biography, Mr Morgan, describes an encounter between his right-hand man and Tony Blair's entourage: "Mark was dressed down in his normal 1960s polytechnic sociology lecturer super-casual gear, tie-less, sloppy sweater and jeans." Another official present that day in 2002 remembers Mr Drakeford's mobile phone ringing during a speech by Mr Blair at Cardiff's old library. Off came the trademark sweater as Drakeford "faffed" to find the phone. "It was painful," the witness says. "Blair, fair play, carried on. It would have been better if he had made a joke." When he became a government minister himself, the lecturer's outfit gave way to a suit and tie. Supporters and opponents talk unflatteringly about how he wears it. The habitually undone neck button is now as much a trademark as the "sloppy sweater" once was. The project to define 'Morganism' culminated in the Clear Red Water speech of 2002 to illustrate the difference between Welsh Labour and New Labour. Although Mr Morgan departed from the script and never uttered the key sound bite when he delivered the speech in Swansea, it came to define his leadership. Free prescriptions, school breakfasts and bus passes were gimmicks and giveaways to critics. But to the Welsh Government they were part of a vision to make society more equal. They called it "progressive universalism" - the idea that everyone should enjoy the same access to services - and you can expect more of the same now Mr Drakeford is in charge. The Morgan-Drakeford partnership continued through to a coalition with Plaid Cymru. Helping bring the two sides together, there were meetings with Plaid's future leader, Adam Price, at Mr Drakeford's offices in Cardiff University in 2007. A source who worked in that coalition government says Mr Drakeford "created the narrative". "Rhodri's first 20 minutes in cabinet was about what he heard in the pub or in Riverside Market. It drove people bonkers. "Mark could articulate what the strategy was that Rhodri was trying to follow." When Mr Morgan retired in 2011, Mr Drakeford followed in his footsteps as the AM for Cardiff West. The then First Minister Carwyn Jones left him on the backbenches for two years, before giving him arguably the toughest job in the cabinet - health minister. His big idea for the service was called prudent healthcare, which involved patients taking more responsibility for their health. Siobahn McClelland, who held senior positions in the NHS under him, says: "Whether that actually made a difference to anything is actually a moot point." Mr Drakeford's department was bombarded by criticism about waiting times from the UK government and Conservative-supporting newspapers. He was determined to ban E-cigs from being used in public places. A former official recalls he "wouldn't budge" on the issue. The plan faltered when Plaid Cymru withdrew support, partly because another cabinet minister, Leighton Andrews, called the nationalists a "cheap date". Memories of the episode still annoy Mr Drakeford, but Prof McClelland says: "There are other things we should be doing that are going to make a bigger difference." After the 2016 election, he became finance secretary as the Welsh Government prepared for tax powers and the de-facto Brexit minister. Detecting a growing appetite to stop Brexit within Labour, his two leadership opponents this year tried to outflank him by demanding a further referendum. But he stuck to the line that his job was to prepare for Brexit, not fight it. Mr Drakeford says he wrestled with the idea of succeeding Carwyn Jones, not least because of the impact on his family - wife Clare and their three grown-up children. A friend says he was "conflicted". Was Wales ready for an atheist, republican, socialist first minister? Gossip intensified in the months after Carl Sargeant died days after being sacked as a minister - and when Mr Jones told Welsh Labour's conference in April that he was going, there was a clamour from his friends for Mr Drakeford to stand. "I think he would be a blessing to Wales," Ms Hutt said at the time. Whatever his doubts, Mr Drakeford says he became fully committed to the contest. And after the emotional toll of Carl Sargeant's death, Mr Drakeford's supporters think he is someone they can rally around. He is the right man for this time "because of what happened with Carl", says Julie Morgan. Admirers and former colleagues talk about how clever he is and how his experiences as a probation officer taught him how hard life can be. Will he thrive as leader? Leanne Wood, who followed the same career path, from the probation service to leading a party, says: "He's got the right value base, I would say, but you need discipline and doing the job is a lot harder than it looks. "What you see is only a fraction of what goes on. So much is behind the scenes." Mr Drakeford is used to working behind the scenes. Now we'll see whether he thrives in the limelight.

بعد سنوات من العمل في قلب الحكومة، يبدأ مارك دريكفورد اليوم في أعلى منصب في الحكومة. تحدث دانييل ديفيز، المراسل السياسي لبي بي سي ويلز، مع أصدقاء وزملائه ومعارضي زعيم حزب العمال الويلزي حول سياساته وشخصيته ونوع الوزير الأول الذي سيكون عليه.

مارك دريكفورد: من الدرجة اللاتينية إلى زعيم ويلز

By Gavin BevisBBC News A social media thread a few weeks ago about a cat called Benton - who likes hanging out at the Inham Road tram stop in Beeston, Nottinghamshire - sparked a huge response. His owner Ginny Hicks, who lives near the stop, wrote: "I'm increasingly aware that many of you have met (and I hope are fond of) my black and white kitty. "He's greeted his public there since the tram line was built. "I do hope he brings a little of affection to you when you see him." Miss Hicks says she rescued Benton when he was about four months old after she spotted him walking in the path of a bus. "He would have died if I hadn't seen him on the road that day," she said. "Now he brings love and affection to as many people as he can." In one of Benton's most recent exploits, Miss Hicks says he "cadged a ride" home from the tram stop with a boy in a wheelchair. "His mum got in touch to say it made her son's day," she said. Miss Hicks says she is not concerned about Benton's safety around the trams. "He's well aware when one is coming as you can hear the tracks humming when a tram is still a couple of hundred yards away," she said. "I'm actually more concerned about him getting on one and me getting a phone call to collect him from the other side of Nottingham." But Benton is far from the first feline to paw his way into the hearts of England's commuters. Here are just a few tales about the cats who love public trans-pawt - and the followings they have inspired. Casper, the puss in bus All eyes were on Plymouth a decade ago when a bus-loving cat named Casper rose to prominence. The black-and-white feline would trot on board the number three bus when it stopped outside his house each morning and then ride a full loop of the route before the driver carefully made sure he was dropped off back where he started. His antics prompted national media coverage, an avalanche of letters to owner Susan Finden - who died in 2017 - and even his own book. Susan's daughter, Kim Holland, said: "Mum wrote the book and it had a massive response. It was one of the first of its kind - I know there are lots now but this was one of the early ones. "From that people wrote to my mum for years. Some would address the letters to 'Casper's mum, Plymouth' and the postman would deliver them all." The family was even contacted by a producer who wanted to make a film, with Dawn French mooted to play the part of Susan. "He was super keen and kept in touch with mum for a long time and often discussed the film," said Ms Holland. "He didn't manage to get the funding so it sadly didn't get off the ground." Sadly Casper's travelling adventures came to an abrupt end in 2010 when he was hit by a car and killed. "Poor old Casper got hit by a taxi outside mum's house," Ms Holland added. "She got so many letters from bus drivers and the local community, all giving their condolences. "He was quite a character really. He touched all sort of people's hearts." Full steam ahead, Felix Next time you visit Huddersfield railway station, keep a beady eye out for two furry workers named Felix and Bolt. Sneakily brought in by station staff nine years ago while the manager was on leave, Felix has become a favourite with commuters and even has her own name badge. Last year she was given an "apprentice" - her younger brother Bolt - to further delight cat-loving passengers. As with Casper, Felix's popularity prompted a best-selling book and a follow-up about Bolt's arrival has just been released. Station manager Andy Croughan said: "Felix's rapid rise in popularity took us all by surprise - it just came from a couple of photos posted on Facebook. "That's when the whirlwind started. The national news came down and then the book deals came about so we could tell the whole story. "We'd had highs and lows as a group of people at the station - good times, but also the passing away of colleagues - and the first book told the whole story really well. "Felix and Bolt may just be cats, but they've contributed a huge amount to charity. With the two books and calendars, we could be looking at more than £200,000 in total." Batman aka tram cat "He's a bit of a tart." So speaks the owner of Batman, a cat that helps to brighten the morning for commuters waiting at Chorlton tram stop in Manchester. For more than two years the young rescue cat - named after his facial markings - has regularly trotted out of his front door, just down the road from the stop, to lap up strokes and adoration from strangers. "It's got to the point where he knows when the rush hours are," explained owner Nicci Cuff. Ms Cuff set up a Facebook page in her cat's honour and soon began to realise many people considered Batman a lucky charm. She said: "One person was going through a very hard time in their life and they said Batman saved their year. "Someone else said they'd had a job interview and felt nervous but as soon as they saw Batman they knew it was going to be OK. They got the job. "I said to a friend that I'd always wanted to make the world a better place but instead it's actually my cat that's doing it." Transport and cat facts Follow BBC East Midlands on Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram. Send your story ideas to [email protected].

فاز قط يُدعى بينتون بعربات كبيرة من المعجبين، وذلك بفضل ميله إلى التجول في محطات الترام. لكن بينتون هو مجرد واحد من سلسلة طويلة من القطط التي احتكت بالركاب، وبعضها دفع الكتب الأكثر مبيعًا وأصبح على وشك الحصول على صفقة فيلم. بي بي سي نيوز تلتقي بالقطط التي ليس لديها تذكرة للركوب (لكنها لا تهتم).

القطط المسافرة التي أصبحت ذات فراء

To mark the occasion, the Swansea-based agency is holding its 150th auction on Wednesday when several Welsh-themed registration plates will go under the hammer. Patriotic motorists can get their hands plates including WEL 55H, CY07 MRU and WA11 LES. Since 1989, the DVLA has sold more than 4.2 million registrations. Among the Welsh-themed registration plates which have sold for the highest price are W4 LES (£6,000), S10 NED (£7,600) and WEL 5H (£27,200).

جمعت وكالة DVLA أكثر من ملياري جنيه إسترليني للخزانة خلال 25 عامًا من بيع لوحات التسجيل الشخصية.

تحتفل DVLA بمرور 25 عامًا على لوحات التسجيل الشخصية

By Helier CheungBBC News What is surrogacy? Surrogacy is where a woman becomes pregnant with the intention of handing over the child to someone else after giving birth. Generally, she carries the baby for a couple or parent who cannot conceive a child themselves - they are known as "intended parents". There are two forms of surrogacy. In traditional surrogacy, the surrogate mother's egg is used, making her the genetic mother. In gestational surrogacy, the egg is provided by the intended mother or a donor. The egg is fertilised through in vitro fertilisation (IVF) and then placed inside the surrogate mother. Is surrogacy legal? It varies from country to country. Countries such as France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Bulgaria prohibit all forms of surrogacy. In countries including the UK, Ireland, Denmark and Belgium, surrogacy is allowed where the surrogate mother is not paid, or only paid for reasonable expenses. Paying the mother a fee (known as commercial surrogacy) is prohibited. Commercial surrogacy is legal in some US states, and countries including India, Russia and Ukraine. People who want to be parents may go abroad if their home country does not allow surrogacy, or if they cannot find a surrogate. However, even here, the laws may vary. For example, some Australian states have criminalised going to another country for commercial surrogacy, while others permit it. Where do people go for surrogacy? Experts say that countries popular with parents for surrogacy arrangements are the US, India, Thailand, Ukraine and Russia. Mexico, Nepal, Poland and Georgia are also among the countries described as possibilities for surrogacy arrangements. Costs vary significantly from country to country, and also depend on the number of IVF cycles needed, and whether health insurance is required. Families Through Surrogacy, an international non-profit surrogacy organisation, has estimated the approximate average costs in different countries: There are few statistics on how many children are born through surrogacy arrangements, as many countries do not formally record this. Nicola Scott, a lawyer with UK family law firm Natalie Gamble Associates, says that about 25% of her firm's clients go to the US, often because they feel it is safer. "The US has a very long history of surrogacy. One reason is that the parents know there are established frameworks in many states, particularly California, so there is safety associated with going there," she says. Why do women become surrogate mothers? Sarah Wisniewski, Surrogacy UK We're aware of how, just taking a year out of our lives can drastically help someone else's life. The majority of us have our own children, although a couple of the surrogate mothers in our network are childless. We appreciate and are grateful for our own children too - the majority of us just see pregnancy as something we find very easy - something we can do while getting on with our everyday lives. "People who choose other destinations tend to do so because a surrogacy there typically costs a lot less than in the US." In many countries, "surrogacy isn't illegal, but there's no framework to support it," Ms Scott says. For example, Thailand does not have clear regulations surrounding surrogacy. However, legislation has been drafted to regulate surrogacy, and authorities now say the surrogates must be a blood relative of the intended parents. Similarly, India is considering legislation which could "massively restrict surrogacy", Ms Scott says, and will "shut the door to singles and gay couples". What are the complications? There are no internationally recognised laws for surrogacy, so many parents and children can be left vulnerable - or even stateless. It can take several months to bring a surrogate baby back to the parents' home country, as they may not be automatically recognised as the legal parents. "In Thailand, surrogates are seen as the legal mother, so if the parents leave the baby with the mother, she is legally responsible. This is one of the difficulties seen in the Gammy case," Ms Scott says. "In India, the intended parents are seen as the legal parents," whereas under UK law, the surrogate mother is recognised as the legal mother. "This means a surrogate baby born in India, for UK parents, is born stateless, and has to apply for British citizenship." Depending on the parents' legal status in their home country, things can also become difficult if the couple split up, Paul Beaumont, a Professor of EU and Private International Law at the University of Aberdeen, and author of the book International Surrogacy Arrangements, says. "There can be an unfair advantage in a custody dispute. The father will often have parental rights, as the one who supplied the sperm, whereas, more often than not, the egg has been provided by a third party donor... so the mother may not be regarded as the parent of the child," Prof Beaumont says. Many experts argue that an international agreement, similar to the Hague Adoption Convention, is needed so that rules are consistent across different countries. However, this could be difficult since countries are divided in their views of surrogacy. Are there risks for surrogate mothers? Prof Beaumont argues that regulation is also needed to ensure that "clinics are properly regulated and mothers are adequately compensated, given proper healthcare, and properly consenting". Regulation would also ensure that "the intending parents are considered suitable to be parents in their home country", he adds. Without regulation, one potential risk for many surrogate mothers is that "if the child is born with some kind of defect, the intending parents could abandon the child", as has been claimed in the Gammy case. Although it is difficult to get hard evidence of exploitation, it is also possible that, like any potentially lucrative industry, surrogacy could be open to abuse, with women forced to act as surrogate mothers for profiteers, Prof Beaumont says. My experience with surrogacy: Richard Westoby, author of Our Journey: One Couple's Guide to US Surrogacy We chose to go to the US because my partner is American, and there is a legal framework in place in a lot of states that protects the surrogates, the intended parents, and the child. All the parties involved had legal representation - our surrogate had her own lawyer represent her when we were negotiating the contract. We spoke about the whole situation - what we were expecting regarding the number of embryos, caesareans, abortion - everything was discussed up front, so everyone was fully informed. It's so important that people have the whole picture before it starts. So many things can and do go wrong if you're not properly counselled and guided through the process. Surrogates don't get a huge amount of money. I think surrogates are phenomenal women going through the process because they want to help other people enrich their lives with family. My partner was in the room when the twins were born. It's the same as when any parent meets their child for the first time - there were lots of tears. It was indescribable. There's nothing like when your children open their eyes for the first time. It was an incredible feeling. Our surrogate is part of our life now - we email regularly and she comes to the UK to see the children.

أثارت قضية جامي، وهو طفل مصاب بمتلازمة داون ولد لأم بديلة تايلاندية ويُزعم أن الوالدين الأستراليين تركهما وراءهما، جدلاً دولياً. أين يذهب الناس لترتيب أطفال بديلين، وهل هذا قانوني؟

الأطفال البديلون: أين يمكنك الحصول عليهم، وهل هذا قانوني؟

By Linda PresslyBBC News, Lima On a counter at the popular Mayorista market in Lima, stand two small, glass aquariums, containing dozens of toads and frogs. The frogs are from the Andes mountains, and some of the species are endangered. The stallholder works quickly, taking orders from a stream of customers who perch on stools or stand watching her work. Making a "frog shake" takes a few minutes. First the stallholder grabs a frog from the tank. She cuts its neck with a knife and skins it as easily as if she is peeling a banana. Then she puts it into a pan on a small stove with some liquid. Next the bubbling concoction is poured into a liquidiser with the other ingredients - powdered maca, a medicinal Peruvian root, vitamins, fruit and honey. The stallholder stops the blender and tastes the thick green mixture, her face a picture of concentration. She spoons in more honey, gives it a final whizz and pours it into a tin jug. "It's very good for anaemia and for chest complaints," says a customer. It is also known as a kind of Andean Viagra. "It's good for that too," he agrees. "But for anyone who's ill, if you take it three or four times a week, you will feel better very quickly." The amphibian "smoothie" originated among indigenous communities in the Andes, but its popularity has spread. Here, it costs five Peruvian soles - just under $2. "I sell maybe a 100 a day," the stallholder says. And she is well aware some of the frog species are under threat. "We all know that, but well… When they disappear, they disappear. But while we have them, we can help people with this drink." A couple approach the stall with a small lidded, plastic box. They buy two frogs to take away. The woman explains she will make her own frog shake at home following an old family recipe, and use it to treat a lung complaint. The stallholder has been fined several times for selling the frog drinks, but she has continued to trade - and customers continue to believe, without any scientific evidence, that the drinks benefit health. In Peru it is illegal to sell, transport or profit from wildlife. People caught with species listed in the Convention of the International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) or the corresponding Peruvian decree may be jailed. "Every day we find five or six listed animals in local markets," says Maj Jose Miguel Ruiz, of Peru's ecological police. "Last week at the airport six drugged toucans were discovered. They had been put in a tube, and were being sent abroad." But in practice prison sentences are rare - Ruiz says there were only seven in Lima last year. At another market in the north of the city, the Santa Luzmilla market, Ruiz and his team, together with officers from the Forestry and Wildlife Authority, have raided Gladys Permudes' shop. Outside there are baby rabbits and chickens in cages. There is also a sad-looking parrot, and some parakeets - and these are CITES-listed. The shopkeeper says she paid $50 for the parrot, and is planning to teach it to speak. "I've seen how a parrot becomes an attraction for customers in other shops - I'm not selling it," she says. The parakeets, however, are for sale. Ruiz confiscates the birds, and tells Gladys Permudes she will have to come to the police station. It is live trafficking that causes most concern. Peru's myriad species of birds and animals are coveted by collectors both at home and abroad. Most of this furry and feathered contraband on sale in Lima comes from Peru's Amazon territory, especially the Loreto region. The Belen market in Iquitos, the regional capital, is a riot of colour, music and smoke. Stalls are stacked with tropical produce, and there is bush meat galore - caiman, jungle deer, and peccary (an animal from the pig family). Indigenous communities in Peru are permitted to hunt for subsistence, but the selling of bush meat is a grey area. Live animals are also for sale here. A man selling fruit is holding an iguana. He produces a grubby washing up bowl from underneath a table loaded with bananas - in it are turtles, iguanas, and four baby black caiman - an endangered species. He tells a story about one of the big buyers who comes to the market, buys the animals, drugs them, then sends them to Colombia. A woman standing nearby chips in to say she has carried wildlife to Lima in her luggage, and nothing happened at the airport. Peru does have a legitimate wildlife business. In the region of Loreto, there are indigenous communities farming turtles and peccary for export. These are projects that enable people to make a living, and encourage conservation. Loreto is also known for its export of farmed ornamental, aquarium fish. But Rainer Schulter, a German biologist and frog expert who has lived most of his adult life in Peru, believes legal wildlife commerce is often a cover for illegal activity. "They put a false bottom in the tank of aquarium fish for export. Under that, they put frogs, rare turtles, lizards… I would say nearly all illegal frogs travel like that with the fishes." Schulter says buyers - often Germans, in his experience - buy frogs for $5 from the communities around Iquitos. But collectors will pay at least $100 for rarer species on the international market. There are some who say the authorities are overzealous in their attempts to catch wildlife traders. "A hotel here had a caiman skull that was given to the owner by his grandfather well before CITES was in existence," says Richard Bodmer, a British biologist and expert in the Amazon region who has made his home in Iquitos. "The ecological police confiscated the skull, because they would get funds from abroad if they did confiscations. It's degrading the culture here. Anybody who even thinks of owning an animal is illegal. But this is part of nature." The Obama administration is concerned about trafficking from South America - the US is the second largest market for illegal wildlife products after China. Recently the government announced the imminent deployment of an officer from the US Fish and Wildlife Service to Lima. But Bodmer argues that the biggest threat to the Amazon's wildlife - climate change - is being ignored. "This year, two million animals will die from the flooding," he says. "I see groups coming down here wanting to close everything in Belen market, when their countries - such as in North America - are producing all this carbon which is killing two million animals." Threats to Peru's wildlife are immense - deforestation, over-hunting and climate change have left their mark. Trafficking is an additional pressure. At the Ecological Police HQ in Lima, Maj Ruiz has completed the paperwork on his detainees from the markets. One elderly man arrested with two squirrel monkeys has been allowed to go home on account of his age. Gladys Permudes, the shopkeeper selling endangered parakeets, is held for 24 hours and released by the judge the next day. And it is business as usual for the stallholder making "frog shakes". "In some cases we make one or two, even 10 visits to shops, and we stop the selling," sighs Fabiola Munoz, director of of the Forestry and Wildlife Authority. "But one month later, somebody opens a new store opposite." She has one message to anyone thinking of buying a tropical pet or wildlife product that may come from Peru: "If it isn't certified, don't buy it." Listen to Linda Pressly's documentary Peru's Wildlife for Sale on Assignment on the BBC World Service, or Crossing Continents on Radio 4. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

تعد بيرو واحدة من أكثر الدول تنوعًا بيولوجيًا على وجه الأرض. إن الحياة البرية الغريبة والرائعة في هذه المنطقة تجعلها نقطة ساخنة للتجارة غير المشروعة بالحيوانات الحية، وتكافح الشرطة البيئية في البلاد للتعامل معها. قد يجد بعض القراء أجزاء من هذه القصة مزعجة.

البلد الذي يمزج بين الضفادع المهددة بالانقراض

By Alex Bish & Matt DavisonBBC News In the car park of a DIY superstore situated on the edge of the London commuter belt, a very 21st Century law enforcement scenario is waiting to be played out. A "sting" has been prepared over the course of several weeks. The target - a businessman with three children. But instead of squad cars, two-way radio traffic and uniformed officers there is a man who has never received any police training. He is armed with a mobile phone and, he believes, the moral authority of the people. He is Shane, one of a small but increasingly prominent band of self-styled "paedophile hunters". For legal reasons, his surname cannot be revealed. Senior police are highly critical of such groups, claiming they pose a danger to the public, put active police investigations at risk, and put themselves and the public at risk during confrontations, as well as real children who may actually be being abused. Yet rank-and-file officers are increasingly working with them and courts are accepting the evidence they put forward. Vera Baird, a prominent policing official, believes law enforcers can't shut themselves away from the work of paedophile trappers and is calling for closer links between the two sides. "The police do need to acknowledge that these groups are likely to continue to do what they are doing and that the public are not opposed to that," she says. Shane's mode of operation is broadly typical of paedophile vigilantes. He poses online as an anonymous young female and waits for men to start chatting to him. To avoid accusations of entrapment, the so-called decoy is careful what information "she" volunteers, and reveals, about her fictional self. The decoy doesn't steer the conversation but waits for it to turn to sexual matters. When the groomer asks how old she is, the decoy typically responds with an age between 12 and 15. 'Their world falls apart' Unknown to the groomer, every piece of chat is being captured by screenshot for posting publicly online later, along with any pictures the groomers have sent of themselves. The entire operation culminates in a sting, at which groomer and decoy arrange to meet for sex. As the paedophile hunter pounces on his prey, he videos the entire scene. Viewing such footage, it's difficult to avoid the sense Shane enjoys the moment of confrontation. "When I go and see these people, they are stood there waiting for a child to arrive… fantasising, visualising… whatever they think is going to happen. And when they see an ugly angry old man like me walk round the corner and walk up to them and say 'excuse me can you tell me what you are doing here?', their world falls apart," says Shane. "At first they're in denial but slowly they start sinking. They realise they're not getting away with this." Finally, the mass of digital evidence is handed over to police who must then decide whether to pursue a prosecution. Shane's venom for paedophiles is, he says, the result of having himself been sexually abused as a child. The perpetrators were never punished, he says, while he has been tormented by memories of his abuse for 25 years. He calls it his life sentence. Recent high profile scalps claimed by vigilante groups include Mark McKenna, 38, who sent explicit photos, a video and many messages to someone he believed was an 11-year-old girl, Paul Platten, 38, who sent naked pictures of himself to a vigilante posing as a 13-year-old girl, and Andrew Sealey, 39, who was caught in a sting operation in a theme park after telling one fake teenager: "It's OK you being a virgin and 15, I don't mind." All were convicted in court with evidence from the vigilantes forming part of the prosecution. But paedophile hunters such as Shane also rely on the court of public opinion to mete out its own justice, posting footage of their stings and victims on social media for the world to view. The aim is to highlight their work and draw on the public's contempt and disgust for child abuse. Grassroots movement These stings can make for deeply uncomfortable viewing, as targets are shown being confronted with the evidence of their grooming and, frequently, running a gamut of emotions from blind panic to nervous meltdown. Their accusers, of course, claim this is nothing compared with the sort of pain and enduring trauma they have shown themselves capable of inflicting on minors. Anti-paedophile vigilantism is not new. But recently such groups have become far more effective - ensuring they work within the law, and understanding how to gather evidence that will stand up in court. As well as the convictions they can claim, the groups also claim to have been responsible for at least 159 arrests. Their success raises awkward questions for the police. Senior officers are openly damning of the risks vigilante groups pose to evidence gathering, as well as child safety and that of the public at large. "We are arresting hundreds of people every month," says Simon Bailey, a spokesman for the National Police Chiefs Council (NPCC), formerly Acpo. "Their claim that nothing is being done is so far wide of the mark. We are the most active in the world at the moment. My great concern is that… little if any consideration is being given to the broader safeguarding risks. Whilst we may hear about the successful stings they have run, what about every occasion they are expecting to meet somebody, that person recognises they are being set up and there is a risk to destruction of evidence that might convict them in due course." More from the website Internet vigilante group Letzgo Hunting has been criticised for some of its efforts to expose paedophiles. What is this group and who's behind it? Who are vigilante group Letzgo Hunting? (September 2013) As if to prove the point about bungled operations, the DIY store car park sting Shane had set up ended without him confronting his target, who sped off in his car on realising he had been set up. Bailey even says vigilantes pose a risk to real children as their tactics can alert abusers to being under investigation. This could drive them underground, he says, and poses a risk about "how they may handle the situation with past or present victims of theirs". Others are worried about the potential effect on the innocent families of those who have been set up. "Often those individuals [who are caught] will have families, will have children, and the consequences to [them] as kind of unwilling victims… can be enormous," says Donald Findlater, of the Lucy Faithfull Foundation. He says he understands why these groups want to confront suspected paedophiles, but says his charity has known of individuals who have killed themselves "following arrest, some kind of outing or a visit to their home". More information If you have been affected by any of the issues in this story, you can find more information and support here or contact organisations listed here. But Baird, an elected Police and Crime Commissioner and former Solicitor General for England and Wales, says law enforcers can't shut themselves away from this grassroots movement. She says anti-paedophile groups have gained public support because of the belief that police resources are stretched and that paedophiles are evading the law. She believes in reaching out to the vigilantes. The Northumbria force that she oversees, she says, has tried to recruit paedophile hunters as "special constables… and therefore do this as fully-warranted officers, or as police volunteers." Although this has failed so far, she backs the idea of formal training. "If you have evidence about something like this, you should tell the police, and let them deal with it. That would be everybody's position. However, many of these groups have already been told that and they intend nonetheless to carry on because they feel they can make a contribution." Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter

إن صائدي الأطفال الذين يتظاهرون بأنهم أطفال لاصطياد المعتدين المحتملين على الأطفال يعملون بشكل متزايد مع منفذي القانون. ويزعمون أنهم ساعدوا في تأمين أكثر من 90 إدانة حتى الآن. ولكن هل يجب أن نعتمد على الحراس للقيام بعمل الشرطة؟

صيادو الاستغلال الجنسي للأطفال: هل يجب أن تعمل الشرطة مع الحراس؟

There were 13 non-urgent operations cancelled on Monday, the hospital said. The Jersey health service said it needed to make sure anaesthetists who provide intensive care support were available. It said they were rescheduling all the operations and no other appointments were affected. The hospital said one person was moved to the UK at the weekend for treatment at an intensive care unit. It added operations were back to normal on Tuesday.

وتم إلغاء عدد من العمليات في مستشفى جيرسي العام بسبب احتياج عدد كبير من المرضى إلى أسرة العناية المركزة.

مستشفى جيرسي يلغي 13 عملية غير عاجلة

The driver of the Vauxhall Insignia was stopped by officers from the Norfolk and Suffolk roads policing team on Sunday at about 19:15 BST. On social media, the team said the 12-month-old baby was strapped in a car seat in the front of the vehicle. A force spokeswoman said the driver had been reported for speeding offences. If successfully prosecuted, the motorist faces a minimum fine of £100 and three fixed penalty points. Related Internet Links Speeding penalties - GOV.UK

أصيب ضباط الشرطة الذين سجلوا سائق سيارة بسرعة 105 ميلاً في الساعة "بالصدمة" عندما وجدوا طفلاً في مقعد الراكب الأمامي في السيارة.

سجل السائق مع طفله سرعة 105 ميلاً في الساعة على الطريق السريع A11 في ويموندهام

By Jonathan HeadSouth East Asia correspondent Malaysia has a new prime minister after a week of unprecedented political turmoil and uncertainty. Muhyiddin Yassin is an unassuming career politician who was ejected from the then-government party Umno in 2016. He joined forces with political heavyweights Mahathir Mohammad and Anwar Ibrahim to form a multi-party, multi-ethnic coalition called Pakatan Harapan (PH). Together they rode a wave of public anger over corruption to inflict the first-ever election defeat on the Umno-led coalition Barisan Nasional (BN). But the events of the past week - in which Mr Muhyiddin brought down the government by defecting with more than 30 MPs, and forming an alliance with his old party - have been a shattering blow to those who saw the 2018 election as a watershed, a new beginning for the country. "I am sorry for failing you. I tried. I really tried to stop them", tweeted Syed Saddiq, a telegenic young Malay politician whose stunning victory in a Johor seat in 2018 was seen as emblematic of the hunger for change. A member of Mr Muhyiddin's party, Syed Saddiq, is refusing to join him in working with Umno. There have been protests against what is being called a "backdoor government". "This is utter betrayal," said lawyer and activist Fadya Nadwa Fikri. "People didn't vote for this." Pakatan was an eclectic coalition, bringing together the reformist Keadilan party of Anwar Ibrahim, the main ethnic Chinese party, the DAP, and two anti-Umno Malay parties, Amanah and Bersatu. The last was led by Mahathir Mohamad, the veteran former prime minister whose backing was crucial to reassuring ethnic Malays that it was safe to abandon the ruling party. Pakatan was also supported by a network of civil society organisations which had been campaigning for years against corruption and abuses of power. Right up to polling day on 9 May 2018 they could not be sure they would succeed in dislodging Barisan. But there was a tangible sense of excitement, of possibilities. Mr Mahathir had campaigned wittily on the theme of then-prime minister Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah as a pair of thieves. The rising cost of living, and in particular an unpopular sales tax, played into the hands of the opposition. And the Malay vote, normally reliably pro-government, was split three ways, between Pakatan, Barisan and the Islamic party PAS. When I encountered people at polling stations showing me their Umno veterans' cards, but telling me they were voting for the opposition, it seemed momentum was moving that way. There was jubilation when Mr Najib conceded the next day. He was the first prime minister from his party to lose an election. So what went wrong for the Pakatan government? It was always going to be an uneasy coalition. Mr Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim had a tortuous history going back 30 years. Mr Anwar, at one time Mr Mahathir's protégé and designated successor, blames him for his first five-year term in prison. The two men eventually reconciled and agreed that Mahathir Mohamad, who led the election campaign, would be prime minister if they won, but hand over to Anwar Ibrahim after two years. But exactly how and when that would happen was left unsaid. There were other personality clashes, and differences over how the coalition would deal with an increasingly harsh economic climate. "We have the same problem of dissatisfaction as we see in many countries," says Ibrahim Suffian, from the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research. "We have economic growth, but wages have not caught up with the cost of living, particularly among the Malay population, particularly among the young. "The economy is not generating enough jobs that pay well. That was the challenge the coalition faced, because when they entered government they found that most of the cupboards were bare, and that they had enormous debts that they had to deal with." Malaysia has been defined by ethnic politics since independence in 1957, and the creation of a Malaysian federation in 1963. Ethnic Malays make up just over half the population; so called "bumiputera", which include other indigenous groups on the Malay peninsular and on Borneo, make up about 68%. The largest and most successful minority are the Chinese, who migrated to Malaysia during British colonial rule. Race riots in 1969 persuaded the government that policies favouring bumiputera, and in particular Malays, were essential. Umno defined itself as the party that looked after the Malays, who tended to be economically less successful than the Chinese. Mahathir Mohamad's 22-year rule in the 1980s and 90s was marked by generous pro-Malay projects, funded by impressive export-led growth. The downside was rising cronyism and corruption. But Malays still expect government largesse. It was partly the fear that the Pakatan government, with a large Chinese component, would cut back on that generosity, that has eroded its support among Malays. A quick trip to a low-income neighbourhood in Gombak, just outside Kuala Lumpur, illustrated this disenchantment. Here the futuristic highways and high-rises around the city centre give way to drab concrete apartment blocks and rows of small workshops and car-repair garages. Mohammad Amin, who is building a small café, told me he and his neighbours felt ethnic Malays were not being taken care of as well as in the past. Muhammad Tarmizi described poorer people in the area as being unable to meet the cost of their most basic daily needs. This government is not looking out for kampung - village - folk, for the Malays, he said. Although Umno's reputation was badly damaged by the revelations about huge sums of money that went missing in the 1MDB financial scandal, some of it ending up in Mr Najib's personal bank account, the party has been quick to exploit public disappointment over the state of the economy. So it's little surprise that Pakatan has now lost five out of the last six by-elections. In one contest, in the strategic state of Johor, PH saw its vote drop by more than half. The crisis broke over the succession. Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters pressed Mr Mahathir for a date, suggesting the two-year anniversary of the election in May. The prime minister refused to be drawn. Mr Anwar's camp backed off, leaving the decision with Dr Mahathir. But the growing tension within the coalition persuaded Mr Muhyiddin to break away and team up with the other side. As with every previous crisis in the past 40 years there was an overriding assumption - inside and outside Malaysia - that whatever happened, Mahathir Mohamad, the master manipulator, was pulling the strings, exploiting every twist in a bewilderingly fast-moving drama to ensure he came out on top. When he stunned the country by tendering his resignation, many of the political factions rushed out to express their support for him to stay in the job. Even Mr Anwar assured his supporters that, contrary to rumour, Mr Mahathir had not been behind what he was calling a coup against the coalition. But by the end of the week it was clear that the 94 year-old maestro had miscalculated. Malaysia's constitutional monarch, King Abdullah, whose role it is to invite a candidate to form a new government, declared that Mr Muhyiddin had the numbers, and would be sworn in as the country's eighth prime minister. Mr Mahathir has challenged this and could try to bring the new government down once parliament meets again. But incumbency, and the blessing of a revered monarch, are powerful assets for Mr Muhyiddin, which will certainly attract waverers to his side. "The King cannot make political decisions," says Mustafa Izzuddin at the National University of Singapore. "But he can play the role of honest broker, bringing the warring sides together. Even then it is unprecedented for a king to do so in Malaysia. "But Malaysian politics are in uncharted waters, so revolutionary methods may have been necessary. And the King may have seen Muhyiddin as the most trustworthy and steady of the candidates." It is worth recalling too that Mr Mahathir has a history of conflict with Malaysia's sultans, something that may have been a factor in the King's choice. Back in 1983 and 1993 he pressed for constitutional changes that imposed limits on royal power. "In the earlier crisis the role of leading royal resistance to Mahathir was played by the then-Sultan of Pahang, the current king's father," says Clive Kessler at the University of New South Wales. "Memories and resentments linger on and are not easily forgotten or set aside." So after less than two years in opposition, Umno is back in power. There are understandable fears that the investigations and trials of Mr Najib, who is still a significant and visible party figure, will be shelved. Mr Anwar, the man who believed he was destined to be prime minister back in the 1990s, and believed he was promised the job this year, has once again been thwarted. His repeated career setbacks, over more than two decades, might have come from the plot of one of the Shakespeare tragedies that he read to pass the time while he was serving his two terms in prison. And Mr Mahathir, one of the most remarkable political survivors of modern times, appears to have run out of road. As he absorbed the shock of finding himself outmanoeuvred, his wife of 63 years Siti Hasmah put her arms around his waist, in a fierce, protective hug, perhaps hoping that now, a little before his 95th birthday, he might finally retire.

واعتبرت هذه الانتخابات نقطة تحول تاريخية، إذ أطاحت بالحزب الذي ظل في السلطة لأكثر من 60 عاما. ولكن بعد أقل من عامين، خرجت الحكومة الجديدة، وعاد الحزب الحاكم القديم إلى السلطة. لماذا إذن انهار التحالف الذي أشعل فوزه مثل هذه الآمال بالتغيير في ماليزيا بهذه السرعة؟

كيف انهارت الحكومة الماليزية في عامين

By Hazel ShearingBBC News "I absolutely love my job," says 32-year-old Sharleen Smith, from Great Yarmouth. "I want to do my work." Sharleen hated working from home during lockdown and was delighted to return to her magazine's office last month. But as the summer holidays approached, she became increasingly concerned about what to do with her seven-year-old daughter, Kourtney. Every day she checked to see whether Kourtney's usual summer holiday club would open. Eventually it announced it would, but only for two weeks - leaving her and her partner with a four-week black hole over the summer holiday. "I don't want to be dramatic but it has been terrifying for me," says Sharleen, who has mild autism and says she has lost sleep over the issue of childcare. "The unknown is the scariest thing possible." Her solution involves a mix of friends, family and a nursery that is accepting older children. But this summer isn't cheap. The holiday club is twice its usual price, and the nursery is double that. Sharleen is one of many parents struggling with a "childcare jigsaw" during the school holidays, with many providers unable to operate under coronavirus guidelines, according to Coram Family and Childcare Trust. Research suggests mums appear to be doing most of the family childcare during lockdown, and are able to do less uninterrupted work compared to dads. "As lockdown restrictions start to ease, many parents are being asked to go back to work but are facing the same childcare shortages they have been battling since lockdown began," says the charity's head Megan Jarvie. "This summer more than ever, we are at risk of seeing parents having little choice but to give up work completely." Holiday clubs have been particularly affected by government guidance being issued at "short notice", says Ms Jarvie. Guidance published at the start of July - three weeks before most schools finished - said clubs must keep children in consistent bubbles of 15. This was later slightly relaxed after clubs pointed out the same children do not necessarily attend on the same days - but for many providers that came too late. 'Left in front of screens' "We need clear daylight of six weeks to be able to mobilise our camps - and that would really be cutting it fine," says Neil Greatorex, founder of holiday club chain Barracudas. This is the first summer in almost three decades he has not been able to open his sites. He says earlier guidance would have given him time to work out which of his 46 camps could run. He thinks lots of parents will "struggle" this month. "The service they rely on just isn't going to be there in the same way it normally is. A substantial part of the provision that is there throughout the UK is going to be missing." In Cambridge, Panash Shah decided he would run his three holiday clubs this summer, but has had to increase fees to pay for extra cleaning and around 20 additional members of staff needed to supervise the bubbles. After a "desperate rush" to work out logistics once the guidance was published, he says he has only allowed parents to book one-week blocks, rather than odd days here and there. Panash thinks this has "scared off" parents who may only need childcare for two days and do not want to book the whole week at an increased price. "What happens to those children? Will they be maybe potentially left in front of screens all day?" he asks. "Or would grandparents or other family members step in?" Clare Freeman, of the Out of School Alliance, which supports holiday clubs, says the fact that grandparents "may be unable to help due to health concerns" will add to parents' woes. "Even leaving children with friends is problematic as we are being advised not to mix households," she says. Rising costs In Cheshire, Gemma, a travel agent who did not want her surname to be used, has looked after her two children while on furlough. But with her colleagues starting to return to work, and her partner working full-time, she is not sure what she will do if she is asked to go back over the summer. She says she was told she will be put on unpaid leave if she can't come in. Holiday clubs near her have limited spaces, and their usual childminders aren't taking on any more work. Childminders who are available are double the price, she says, costing more than £60 a day. "I'm only on minimum wage anyway, so if and when I do go back to work and I have to start using a more expensive childminder it's probably pointless me going to work for the day." Gemma's usual childminders may be fully-booked, but half an hour's drive away in Warrington, Melanie Han is struggling to find business. "Usually I've got a very, very long waiting list," the childminder says, explaining that she thinks demand has slipped because parents are either at home themselves or are worried about the virus. She knows other childminders who have stopped working altogether. A recent survey conducted by the Professional Association for Childcare and Early Years (PACEY) suggested that around 40% of childminders were unsure if their businesses would be able to survive - particularly if the end of the furlough scheme in October leads to more redundancies. "I'm advertising on everything, and nobody's coming back to me. That would suggest there's no childcare needed, but in some areas it's really busy," Melanie says. Local demand Last week, Labour warned of a "perfect storm" of providers closing down and rising childcare costs. PACEY estimates that nine out of 10 early years childcare settings are open, but on average are only half are full. Ms Freeman puts local variations down to "demographics of different areas": "The decision of a local large employer regarding shutting down, or conversely recalling all furloughed staff back to work, will have a big effect on the local demand for childcare." Back in Great Yarmouth, Sharleen is relieved that she has found childcare, even if it is costing a lot more. But she is also aware, because she works early hours, that she will need to find childcare for Kourtney between 07:00 and 08:30, when school starts again. She used to use the school's breakfast club, but that's not due to go ahead. "I am worried about that," she says. "I'm just actively trying to find a childminder that I can potentially take her to do the mornings. But I have got to a stage where there's not really much I can do about it at the moment."

مع غياب الأطفال عن المدرسة وتخفيف إجراءات الإغلاق، أصبحت رعاية الأطفال مشكلة صيفية للعديد من الآباء العائدين إلى العمل. كانت هناك تحذيرات من "عاصفة كاملة" للآباء العاملين - من ارتفاع التكاليف وإغلاق مقدمي الخدمات. فكيف يدير الآباء؟

فيروس كورونا: يواجه الآباء "بانوراما" رعاية الأطفال هذا الصيف

But the hope that accompanied independence in 1980 dissolved into violence, corruption and economic disaster. President Mugabe became an outspoken critic of the West, most notably the United Kingdom, the former colonial power, which he denounced as an "enemy country". Despite his brutal treatment of political opponents, and his economic mismanagement of a once prosperous country, he continued to attract the support of other African leaders who saw him as a hero of the fight against colonial rule. Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born in what was then Rhodesia on 21 February 1924, the son of a carpenter and one of the majority Shona-speaking people in a country then run by the white minority. Educated at Roman Catholic mission schools, he qualified as a teacher. Winning a scholarship to Fort Hare University in South Africa, he took the first of his seven academic degrees before teaching in Ghana, where he was greatly influenced by the pan-Africanist ideas of Ghana's post-independence leader Kwame Nkrumah. His first wife Sally was Ghanaian. In 1960, Mugabe returned to Rhodesia. At first he worked for the African nationalist cause with Joshua Nkomo, before breaking away to become a founder member of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu). In 1964, after making a speech in which he called Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith and his government "cowboys", Mugabe was arrested and detained without trial for a decade. His baby son died while he was still in prison and he was refused permission to attend the funeral. In 1973, while still in detention, he was chosen as president of Zanu. After his release, he went to Mozambique and directed guerrilla raids into Rhodesia. His Zanu organisation formed a loose alliance with Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu). During the tortuous negotiations on independence for Rhodesia, he was seen as the most militant of the black leaders, and the most uncompromising in his demands. On a 1976 visit to London, he declared that the only solution to the Rhodesian problem would come out of the barrel of a gun. Conciliatory But his negotiating skills earned him the respect of many of his former critics. The press hailed him as "the thinking man's guerrilla". The Lancaster House agreement of 1979 set up a constitution for the new Republic of Zimbabwe, as Rhodesia was to be called, and set February 1980 for the first elections which would be open to the black majority. Fighting the election on a separate platform from Nkomo, Mugabe scored an overwhelming and, to most outside observers, unexpected victory. Zanu secured a comfortable majority, although the polls were marred by accusations of vote-rigging and intimidation from both sides A self-confessed Marxist, Mugabe's victory initially had many white people packing their bags ready to leave Rhodesia, while his supporters danced in the streets. However, the moderate, conciliatory tone of his early statements reassured many of his opponents. He promised a broad-based government, with no victimisation and no nationalisation of private property. His theme, he told them, would be reconciliation. Later that year he outlined his economic policy, which mixed private enterprise with public investment. He launched a programme to massively expand access to healthcare and education for black Zimbabweans, who had been marginalised under white-minority rule. With the prime minister frequently advocating one-party rule, the rift between Mugabe and Nkomo widened. After the discovery of a huge cache of arms at Zapu-owned properties, Nkomo, recently demoted in a cabinet reshuffle, was dismissed from government. While paying lip service to democracy, Mugabe gradually stifled political opposition. The mid-1980s saw the massacre of thousands of ethnic Ndebeles seen as Nkomo's supporters in his home region of Matabeleland. Confiscation Mugabe was implicated in the killings, committed by the Zimbabwean army's North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, but never brought to trial. Under intense pressure, Nkomo agreed for his Zapu to be merged with - or taken over by - Zanu to become the virtually unchallenged Zanu-PF. After abolishing the office of prime minister, Mugabe became president in 1987 and was elected for a third term in 1996. The same year, he married Grace Marufu, after his first wife had died from cancer. Mugabe already had two children with Grace, 40 years his junior. A third was born when the president was 73. He did have some success in building a non-racial society, but in 1992 introduced the Land Acquisition Act, permitting the confiscation of land without appeal. The plan was to redistribute land at the expense of more than 4,500 white farmers, who still owned the bulk of the country's best land. In early 2000, with his presidency under serious threat from the newly formed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by former trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, Mugabe lashed out against the farmers, seen as MDC backers. His supporters, the so-called "war veterans", occupied white-owned farms and a number of farmers and their black workers were killed. Foreign aid The action served to undermine the already battered economy as Zimbabwe's once valuable agricultural industry fell into ruin. Mugabe's critics accused him of distributing farms to his cronies, rather than the intended rural poor. Robert Mugabe - key dates 1924: Born. Later trains as a teacher 1964: Imprisoned by Rhodesian government 1980: Wins post-independence elections 1996: Marries Grace Marufu 2000: Loses referendum, pro-Mugabe militias invade white-owned farms and attack opposition supporters 2008: Comes second in first round of elections to Tsvangirai who pulls out of run-off amid nationwide attacks on his supporters 2009: Amid economic collapse, swears in Tsvangirai as prime minister, who serves in uneasy government of national unity for four years 2017: Sacks long-time ally Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, paving the way for his wife Grace to succeed him November 2017: Army intervenes and forces him to step down Robert Mugabe: From liberator to tyrant In pictures: The life of Robert Mugabe Zimbabwe moved rapidly from being one of Africa's biggest food producers to having to rely on foreign aid to feed its population. In the 2000 elections for the House of Assembly, the MDC won 57 out of the 120 seats elected by popular vote, although a further 20 seats were filled by Mugabe's nominees, securing Zanu-PF's hold on power. Two years later, in the presidential elections, Mugabe achieved 56.2% of the vote compared with Mr Tsvangirai's 41.9% against a background of intimidation of MDC supporters. Large numbers of people in rural areas were prevented from voting by the closure of polling stations. With the MDC, the US, UK and the European Union not recognising the election result because of the violence and allegations of fraud, Mugabe - and Zimbabwe - became increasingly isolated. The Commonwealth also suspended Zimbabwe from participating in its meetings until it improved its record as a democracy. In May 2005, Mugabe presided over Operation Restore Order, a crackdown on the black market and what was said to be "general lawlessness". Some 30,000 street vendors were arrested and whole shanty towns demolished, eventually leaving an estimated 700,000 Zimbabweans homeless. Squabbling In March 2008, Mugabe lost the first round of the presidential elections but won the run-off in June after Mr Tsvangirai pulled out. In the wake of sustained attacks against his supporters across the country, Mr Tsvangirai maintained that a free and fair election was not possible. Zimbabwe's economic decline accelerated, with inflation rates reaching stratospheric levels. After hundreds of people died from cholera, partly because the government could not afford to import water treatment chemicals, Mugabe agreed to negotiate with his long-time rival about sharing power. After months of talks, in February 2009 Mugabe swore in Mr Tsvangirai as prime minister. It came as no surprise that the arrangement was far from perfect, with constant squabbling and accusations by some human rights organisations that Mugabe's political opponents were still being detained and tortured. Mr Tsvangirai's reputation also suffered by his association with the Mugabe regime, despite the fact that he had no influence over the increasingly irascible president. The 2013 election, in which Mugabe won 61% of the vote, ended the power-sharing agreement and Mr Tsvangirai went into the political wilderness. While there were the usual accusations of electoral fraud - UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon asked that these be investigated - there was not the widespread violence that had marked previous polls in Zimbabwe. Successors It was an election that saw Robert Mugabe, at the age of 89, confirm his position as the undisputed power in the country. His advancing years, and increasing health problems, saw much speculation as to who might replace him. But the manoeuvring among possible successors revealed how fragmented Zimbabwe's administration was and underlined the fact that it was only held together by Mugabe's dominance. Mugabe himself seemed to delight in playing off his subordinates against each other in a deliberate attempt to dilute whatever opposition might arise. With speculation that his wife, Grace, was poised to take control in the event of his death in office, Mugabe announced in 2015 that he fully intended to fight the 2018 elections, by which time he would be 94. And, to allay any doubt remaining among possible successors, he announced in February 2016 that he would remain in power "until God says 'come'". In the event it wasn't God but units of the Zimbabwe National Army which came for Robert Mugabe. On 15 November 2017 he was placed under house arrest and, four days later, replaced as the leader of Zanu-PF by his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa. Defiant to the end Mugabe refused to resign, But, on 21 November, as a motion to impeach him was being debated in the Zimbabwean parliament, the speaker of the House of Assembly announced that Robert Mugabe had finally resigned. Mugabe negotiated a deal which protected him and his family from the risk of future prosecution and enabled him to retain his various business interests. He was also granted a house, servants, vehicles and full diplomatic status. Ascetic in manner, Robert Mugabe dressed conservatively and drank no alcohol. He viewed both friend and foe with a scepticism verging on the paranoid. The man who had been hailed as the hero of Africa's struggle to throw off colonialism had turned into a tyrant, trampling over human rights and turning a once prosperous country into an economic basket case. His legacy is likely to haunt Zimbabwe for years.

وباعتباره أول رئيس وزراء لزيمبابوي المستقلة، ثم رئيساً لها فيما بعد، وعد روبرت موغابي بالديمقراطية والمصالحة.

نعيه: روبرت موغابي، أول زعيم لزيمبابوي بعد الاستقلال

The city that comes into view is of course bigger than I remember - its population must have quadrupled. Since I was here its suburbs have swamped the Old City that I loved, and even inside its walls a rash of restaurants and boutique hotels has appeared. But they're all closed now, or empty. It's a city at war. Whole streets are fenced off by tank blocks and razor wire. Less than a mile away from my empty hotel I can see burnt-out tenements still in rebel hands. This is perhaps the oldest continuously inhabited city on earth. In the Muslim world it had grown open and tolerant. A quarter of its people belong to Christian and other minorities, including Alawites, a sub-sect of the Shia, who dominate the government and army. However reluctantly, the Damascenes cling to the regime of Bashar al-Assad. The Islamist alternative, just outside the walls, might be fatal to them. Fifty years ago I was almost alone here, because tourists hadn't yet come. Now I'm alone because they're gone. Yet I see an Old City miraculously intact. It's escaped the devastation of Aleppo. But late every night the regime's artillery opens up on the enemy suburbs. It sounds like far-off thunder. In the dark I stand outside my hotel, listening, wondering how this can continue. Once a week a defiant mortar-shell flies the other way. By day I wander the alleys and monuments that had so fascinated me as a young man. Sometimes I find myself gazing through his eyes, remembering the youthful enchantment of entering an old mosque or a sultan's tomb. I'm more wary now, and old. The sentries rarely frisk me. In the great bazaars, still bustling, the shopkeepers stare at me with hope, as if I might be the vanguard of returning foreign business. I'm surrounded by ethnic complexity. I glimpse russet hair, and green or hazel eyes. But there's a darker and more homogeneous influx - rural immigrants, refugees. In the lanes of the Old City an odd quiet descends. I think it was always like this. But now there are more windows boarded up, more doors padlocked. Behind them, out of sight, I know, are marble-paved courtyards, fountains, lemon trees. I find the home of a student I once knew, but I can see through the windows that it is derelict, the courtyard piled with builders' rubble. I check to ensure that I'm not being followed. People speak with me more cautiously than they did. Once I could barely walk down a street without an invitation to coffee (from Christians) or tea (from Muslims). But those voices have gone. "We can't see an end to it," people say now. "We've become like Baghdad or Kabul or Tripoli. This war will never end. And prices go up all the time." Find out more They talk of suicide bombs, of children killed, houses wrecked. But the deepest wounds, I think, are in people's psyches. They seem to be losing hope. There is a sweetness of old custom still, and hospitality. If I linger long enough at a door or enquire strenuously for an absent family, somebody probably will ask me in. "But Syria's just the toy of foreign powers," they routinely say. "Here, have some coffee, you are our guest… But Syria is bleeding." My friends may have gone, but the buildings I loved are still here. The only damage I find is to the mausoleum of a warrior sultan against the Crusaders, which has taken a mortar bomb through its dome. Then I come with trepidation on the city's greatest monument - the 8th-Century Ommayad Mosque. The first great mosque in Islam, it was built in the shell of a Roman temple to Jupiter. Its sister mosque in Aleppo was wrecked months ago. I find the huge spaces still unblemished. A shrine contains the supposed head of John the Baptist. Worshippers are caressing its gilded bars, Muslims and Christians venerating it together. Above all, the mosaics in the courtyard arcades still shine undamaged. They're beautiful things, in emerald green and gold. In the absence of any living figure portrayed, they depict an idyllic river flowing among palaces lit with mother-of-pearl lanterns - an image of the Barada perhaps, the river that feeds Damascus, or a foretaste of the Koranic paradise. The head of Syria is Damascus, reads the biblical Book of Isaiah, and Damascus is still the head of Syria. But it's a different Syria, and a tense city. Its gates and railings are plastered with outsize photos of soldier-martyrs, and the bazaars hung with portraits of Bashar al-Assad, who looks justifiably a bit concerned. His notional Shia faith elicits Iranian support. "You see these people everywhere nowadays," a man complains to me. "The Shia are walking tall now…" And now I start to see them too. Iraqis and Iranians, mainly, praying at the supposed tombs of Mahomet's family. They clutch at the barred cenotaph that separates them from the buried head of their martyred Imam Hussein, and trail through the Bab al-Saghir cemetery just outside the city walls. I come here too. More than 40 pilgrims to its shrines were killed by bombs, and now the graveyard's patrolled by heavily-armed soldiers. Here Mahomet's muezzin Bilal, the first man to summon the faithful to prayer, is buried in a little green-domed tomb. And suddenly at noon the call to prayer arises, whose plangent cadence, relayed from minaret to minaret, had entranced me all those years ago. But now its cry of "Allahu Akbar" resonates differently among the gravestones, and I wish I could love the sounds as I once did. It's not the army that controls this country, I think, but the Mukhabarat, the feared intelligence service. I was taking a careless snapshot of the city from a hillside suburb when two plainclothes men appeared behind me. They escorted me to a room immured among poor houses. There my captors multiplied to five, and were deferential at first. They spoke formulaic English, and my tourist Arabic had gone. You are our guest, you have nothing to fear. What are you doing here? How did you get here? I answer that my visa was granted by their Ministry of Information. They demand my passport and camera. The passport bears an entry stamp from the Syrian frontier with Lebanon. The camera they scroll through avidly. It shows photos of Damascus alleys, of posters stuck to the city gates - martyrs, slogans. Their suspicion grows. They scroll back to leftover photos of a holiday on Lundy Island in the Bristol Channel. There's a shot of a pretty woman in headphones in the cockpit of a helicopter. "Who is this?" "This is my wife." "What she doing in airplane? Why has she these on her ears?" "These are headphones. She is going to Lundy Island." "She listening to MTN or Syriatel?" These are Syrian network providers. "No. There is no Syriatel on Lundy Island. She is listening to the pilot." They stare harder, their suspicion fomented. They scroll back to shots of Highland cattle and seals gazing at the camera from the sea. "What are these?" "These are seals." "Why are they looking?" But now they have summoned a fox-faced officer who looks senior. I'm driven to a guarded compound deep in the city. A thin, tiled stairway leads into a warren of sordid passageways. There's little light and an acrid smell I can't identify. I'm put in a prison cell, but the iron door is left open and it's lined with filing cabinets. Three different portraits of Bashar al-Assad hang on the walls, festooned with tinsel. I am afraid now. The questioning grows more intense. I have the telephone number of the Ministry of Information official who granted my visa, but nobody rings it. A thug in a black vest lumbers in and out, as if mutely playing bad cop, while different interrogators come and go. At last I'm taken to a huge room where a uniformed officer sits at a desk with his back to the light. There's no more talk of Lundy Island or seals. "I have just returned to a city I once loved," I say, as if to emphasise the sadness between that time and this. He lays my passport and the camera on his desk, within reach. "I think these are holiday snaps," he says. But it is only an hour later that I am free, after Fox-face drives me to the Ministry of Information, where my official - an elegant woman behind another huge desk - describes it all as a misunderstanding. Further reading Zahed Tajeddin had always wanted to live in Aleppo's historic old town, in one of the city's ancient houses, with a front door opening into a corridor that leads to courtyard with a fountain and jasmine climbing up the walls. As a teenager he would explore the old houses just before they were demolished, scampering through courtyards and over crumbling rooftops. He finally managed to buy one for himself, after making a career as a sculptor and archaeologist, in 2004. Return to Aleppo: The story of my home during the war Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

مرت 50 عامًا على نشر الكاتب كولن ثوبرون لوحته عن دمشق، والتي روى فيها رحلاته حول العاصمة السورية واستكشف تاريخ المدينة. لقد حدث الكثير منذ ذلك الحين، وليس أقلها الحرب الأهلية. عاد ثوبرون مؤخرًا إلى سوريا ليرى ما تبقى من المكان الذي يتذكره باعتزاز.

كولن ثوبرون يعود إلى دمشق بعد 50 عاماً

By Zoe KleinmanTechnology reporter, BBC News In November 2011 life got a little easier for some of the organisation's 1,900 air traffic controllers when a bespoke new computer-based tool called iFACTS was introduced to the main control room at its Hampshire headquarters. Years in the making, the rigorously tested software has been designed to take some of the complex manual calculations out of air traffic control. "iFACTS, based on Trajectory Prediction and Medium Term Conflict Detection, provides decision-making support and helps controllers manage their routine workload, increasing the amount of traffic they can comfortably handle," trumpets the Nats website. What this means is that iFACTS uses data from both aircraft and Nats itself to calculate flight paths, ascent and descent details. It can also identify potential collisions, working around 18 minutes ahead of real time, and spot any unexpected behaviour by individual aircraft, highlighting potentially dangerous situations in the sky. It has been a big success, according to Nats. So why is it nowhere to be seen in their most demanding operation of all? In the London control room, all five of the capital's airports are under separate supervision from the rest of Nats' domain, which includes Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and most of England. This small area of the south east sees by far the largest concentration of air traffic, and the 18 minute window required by iFACTS is a luxury here, explained Nats General Manager Paul Haskins. "It would light up like a Christmas tree," he said. " It's designed to manage large airspaces." "It would think every flight was on a collision course. It's not like the States - Chicago airport has nothing around it for 300 miles (482km). In the UK airports are very close." For this reason there is one key difference between the London and national air traffic control rooms - and the first clue is the noise. In the London area there's a constant low-level clacking noise in the background, reminiscent of the typing pools of yore. It is not the click of a computer mouse but the shift of brightly coloured plastic holders, organised in rows in front of each air traffic controller. Each holder contains a printed strip that represents one aircraft. Details such as the pilot's call sign, speed, altitude, destination and a short-hand scribbled record of all instructions issued, are on the strips. As the aircraft nears its destination or leaves the airspace, the controller manually moves the strip further down the desk until it is no longer under Nats guidance - either because it has descended below radar - 600ft (183 metres) in London - or successfully made its way into somebody else's domain. "I wouldn't say any controller is better than technology," said Mr Haskins. "But in the London control room the controllers can move more aircraft." "Do you redesign the airspace around the technology or do you redesign the technology to fit the airspace?" With a missed slot on a Heathrow runway costing its owner £500,000, Nats cannot afford to slow down. iFACTS may one day be able to speed up, but there is no such thing as a beta launch in this frontline sector. "When you implement technology in air traffic... it has to be 99.999 percent working," said Mr Haskins. "It takes a lot longer to develop." So although none of the air traffic controllers actually have eye contact with their charges - Nats HQ is about 70 miles (112km) from London, in Swanwick, Hampshire - their presence is still very much required. Part of that need for the human touch is psychological, admitted Mr Haskins. "Controllers and pilots talk to each other. I've got a piece of kit that knows what the controller is doing and the autopilot is also filing data. Couldn't they just talk to each other?" he said. "Well yes - but to have an aircraft with 400 people in the air and no person looking after it just doesn't sound right. Would you want to get on board a UAV (unmanned aerial vehicle)?" As well as wanting to know they are there, plenty of actual people want to be air traffic controllers themselves. Nats receives 1,000 applications for every 20 places on its four-year training scheme. Candidates must pass initial psychometric tests, and successful recruits face an extra 18 months under human supervision if they wish to work on the London beat. Perhaps the happiest marriage between man and machine exists among the organisation's 1,000 engineers. "These days they aren't the guys with the spanners," said Paul Haskins. "They're the guys with the laptops."

مع وجود 2.2 مليون رحلة جوية سنويًا للاعتناء بها و200000 ميل مربع (518000 كيلومتر مربع) من المجال الجوي تحت أعينها الساهرة، نادرًا ما تكون هناك لحظة هادئة عندما تكون في الخدمة في خدمات الحركة الجوية الوطنية (Nats).

لماذا لا يزال التحكم في الحركة الجوية بحاجة إلى اللمسة الإنسانية

The life of the Polish-French director has been as tortuous and full of incident and tragedy as one of his dark films. His 2002 drama The Pianist, a story of a virtuoso's escape from a Warsaw ghetto during World War II, won the prestigious Palme D'Or award at Cannes and also the best director Oscar. The Paris-born director had himself survived the Nazi atrocities committed in the Krakow ghetto, but lost his mother in a concentration camp gas chamber. He went on to study at the prestigious Polish State Film College in Lodz and came to international prominence with his feature debut Knife in the Water in 1962. A claustrophobic thriller set on a weekend yacht trip, the film angered communist officials but won the critics' prize at the Venice Film Festival. Polanski moved to Hollywood and scored a major box office success with Rosemary's Baby. Family tragedy Starring Mia Farrow as a woman who dreams she has been impregnated by the devil, the tense, uneasy 1968 film heavily influenced the horror genre with its psychological tone. Tragedy overwhelmed Polanski the following year when his heavily pregnant wife Sharon Tate was brutally murdered, along with four others, by killers acting on the orders of radical cult leader Charles Manson. Dubbed the crime that "killed" the spirit of the 1960s by some, the murders were part of Manson's deranged efforts to start a race war in America. The traumatised Polanski left for Europe, and made his return to film with an oppressive and gloomy version of William Shakespeare's Macbeth in 1971. He returned to Hollywood in 1974 to make Chinatown, considered by many the peak of his US film career. Jack Nicholson played JJ Gittes, a detective in the Philip Marlowe mould, in a California-set thriller shot through with the darker aspects of predecessors like The Maltese Falcon and The Big Sleep. Polanski gave himself a cameo as a hood who slashes Nicholson's nose. The film was nominated in 11 other categories in the 1974 Oscars, taking home just one prize - for best original screenplay. Jumps bail But three years later, Polanski was plunged into controversy when he was charged with having unlawful sex with a 13-year-old girl at Jack Nicholson's house in Los Angeles. Maintaining the girl was sexually experienced and had consented, Polanski spent 42 days in prison undergoing psychiatric tests, but chose to jump bail and flee the US in 1978 - first to Britain and then immediately to France. The filmmaker has lived there ever since, unable to return to the US for fear of arrest and imprisonment. He even avoided making films in the UK because of the danger of extradition. Polanski's attempts to have the case dismissed failed in 2009, when a court in Los Angeles rejected his request to have a hearing heard outside the Los Angeles court system. He later mixed arthouse projects like 1992's Bitter Moon featuring Hugh Grant and 1994's Death and the Maiden, with Hollywood-friendly films. Return to form He made the Harrison Ford-vehicle Frantic in 1988, and in 1999 the supernatural thriller Ninth Gate, which featured Johnny Depp. Polanski's decision to direct The Pianist caused much debate, as the story of musician Wladyslaw Szpilman paralleled Polanski's own wartime experiences. But for many critics, the film - which starred best actor Oscar-winner Adrien Brody as Szpilman - heralded a long-overdue return to form. In the ultimate showbiz accolade, the film won the best director Oscar for Polanski at the 2003 Academy Awards. Harrison Ford collected the statue on Polanski's behalf. In 2005, he directed Oliver Twist, a film which he felt mirrored his own life as a young boy having to fend for himself in World War II Poland. Four years later, Polanski was due to be awarded a life-time achievement award at Zurich Film Festival but he was arrested by Swiss police at the request of US authorities, on a decades-old warrant. He was allowed to remain in Switzerland, living under house arrest, after posting $4.5m (£2.9m) bail. He was freed after nine months, but production was delayed on his next film, 2010's political thriller The Ghost Writer, starring Ewan McGregor and Pierce Brosnan. It went on to win six awards at the European Film Awards in 2010, including best director, and Polanski won the Silver Bear for best director after the film made its debut at the 60th Berlinale. In 2011, Polanski made Carnage, based on Yasmina Reza's play Gods of Carnage. It starred Christoph Waltz, Kate Winslet and Jodie Foster, telling the story of two couples whose children get into a fight at school and the chaos that ensues. He premiered Venus in Fur at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival, which starred his wife, Emmanuelle Seigner. In 2014, the United States requested Polanski's extradition from Poland after he made a high-profile appearance at the opening of a Jewish museum in Warsaw, Poland. He was questioned by Polish prosecutors, acting on a US request and agreed to comply with the Polish justice system as it examined the matter. The next chapter in Polanski's saga played out in October 2015 when a court in Krakow ruled against a US request to extradite the now 82-year-old film director. Judge Dariusz Mazur said the request was "inadmissible". The decision is not legally binding, as prosecutors can now appeal the ruling, and so the saga continues.

بي بي سي نيوز تقدم لمحة عن المخرج السينمائي الأسطوري رومان بولانسكي.

رومان بولانسكي: أمير الفيلم المظلم

John Doublard, now 79, said he was subjected to the treatment by boys twice his age, who were "tyrants". Appearing at the independent Jersey Care Inquiry, Mr Doublard said he was sent to the Jersey Home for Boys on two occasions, aged seven and eight. The inquiry is investigating abuse allegations in the care system from 1945 to the present day. Mr Doublard said the boys tortured him with electric shocks to his legs or genitals. The attacks would leave him screaming, but he said that despite that no member of care home staff responded, the inquiry heard. The inquiry continues.

تعرض رجل للتعذيب بالصدمات الكهربائية عندما كان صبيا عندما تم وضعه تحت الرعاية في جيرسي في الأربعينيات من القرن الماضي، حسبما ورد في تحقيق.

رعاية جيرسي "ضحية إساءة المعاملة للتعذيب بالصدمات الكهربائية"

By Claire BatesBBC Stories When Robin King discovered he was adopted he ran away from home. He had been snooping around his parents' bedroom when he came across his adoption papers in a holdall. He fled to a friend's house and the pair then cycled from London to Southend where they slept in a tent until they were picked up by the police a few days later. "My friend's mum had to pay for us to come back on the train," Robin recalls. At home, no-one ever mentioned the subject of his adoption. "I was afraid of raising it as I didn't want any confrontation. I think it affected me deep down," he says. Robin had been adopted by Fred and Elsie King and grew up in a poor part of Woolwich, in south London. It was just after the end of World War Two and his earliest memories are of playing on bomb sites and his mother cleaning for the "rich people in Charlton". He finished school with few qualifications and in his own words, "went off the rails for a while". But in his 20s he got married, had two daughters and moved to Peterborough, where he worked as a town planner, and later as an architect. "I would never have got to where I did today without my family. I really love my two girls, they were the only people with a biological connection to me," he says. A few years later Robin applied for a passport for work and was called by an official from the passport office. He had startling news. "I was asked my age. Then the man said: 'I don't think it will bother you too much to learn that you were abandoned at the Peter Robinson store in London.'" This was how Robin discovered that he was a foundling - and why his first name was Robin and his second was Peter. Many years passed before Robin next made serious efforts to discover more about his past. In 1996, already in his 50s, he went with his daughter Michaela to the London Metropolitan Archive to look at his full adoption record. He learned he had been found outside the Oxford Circus department store on 20 October, 1943. It was a dangerous time to be in London. Although the Blitz had finished, there were still intermittent attacks by the Luftwaffe. Just 10 days earlier 30 tons of bombs had been dropped on the capital. His file said he had been adopted by the Kings when he was four-and-a-half years old and that they had thanked the authorities for giving them such as "good little boy". However, there were no clues as to why he'd been left. "Efforts to trace any relative of child have not been successful," one document stated. Robin's daughter Lorraine decided to continue the search. Over the next 20 years she wrote to every TV show she could think of that reunited families or solved mysteries. Each time the reply was the same - without the names of the birth parents there was nothing to go on. Lorraine then found a library archivist who searched through spools of microfilm looking for any mention of a foundling in old newspapers. She wrote to the Arcadia Group, which took over the Peter Robinson store, in case there was any mention in their archives. "I used to have moments of inspiration when I thought, 'I know I'll write to so-and-so,'" Lorraine says. Then last year she watched an episode of The One Show on BBC One featuring a people-tracing expert called Cat Whiteaway. "I contacted Cat explaining my dad's situation. A few weeks later she told me she had met someone she thought could help - a DNA detective called Julia Bell." Julia had managed to track down her own American GI grandfather using DNA and genealogical research. She had then started helping other people look for their relatives in her spare time. "My mother had been left with so many questions and this answered some of them and gave her a great sense of peace," Julia says. "I believe everyone deserves to know who they really are." Julia took on Robin's case and sent off saliva tests to three consumer DNA databases - Ancestry, 23andme and Family Tree DNA. "We had lots of theories when we started. Lots of people told me I looked American and we thought maybe I was a GI baby, but they weren't over here in 1943," Robin says. Soon there was exciting news - the 23andme results had provided a DNA match. "She was called Maria in New York. I thought, 'Well that's it - we've done it!'" Lorraine says. But it wasn't so simple. The test showed Maria and Robin shared about 1% of their DNA, making them either second or third cousins. "We contacted Maria and she agreed to collaborate to create a full family tree going back several generations to her 16 great-great-grandparents," Julia says. "Our goal was then to bring each of these lines down to recent times to try and find a likely parent for Robin." To give some idea of the scale of the task, if each of the great-great-grandparents and their descendants had just two children, there would be 224 people who could be one of Robin's parents. "We had no idea who would be the shared ancestor on the family tree. It's like the children's puzzle when you have to work out which is the right path that leads to the pot of gold," Lorraine says. Working as a team, Julia and Lorraine used censuses, birth and marriage indexes and wills to reconstruct the family tree. Results from Ancestry suggested Robin had a strong Scottish/Irish connection, which helped. When they felt they might be getting close, they would look to see whether a descendant could have been in the right place at the right time. "I was working on it every night like someone possessed. Every time I had a breakthrough I'd get excited and it spurred me on," Lorraine says. After a year of trial and error, and a number of dead ends, they tracked down a woman called Agnes, who had been born in Scotland and died in Canada. "I had a strong hunch that this could be my dad's mother," Lorraine says. She found a phone number for Agnes's son Grant, and rang one Saturday afternoon. "I explained I was researching my dad's family tree and all the details. It went a bit quiet," Lorraine says. "He said, 'That's really strange because when my mum got Alzheimer's she started talking as if she'd had another baby and would talk to me like I was that baby.'" Grant agreed to take a DNA test, which Julia sent out to Canada. Lorraine suspected he would be a half-sibling, proving Agnes had had a wartime affair. However, the results showed Grant was actually Robin's full brother, meaning they shared both parents. "I cried when Julia told me. I just couldn't believe it," Lorraine says. Grant explained that Robin's parents were Douglas and Agnes Jones. Douglas was in the Royal Canadian Air Force and had met and married Agnes in Glasgow. The couple moved to Canada after the war ended and Douglas qualified as a psychologist. They had three more children - Karen, born 14 years after Robin, then Grant and another daughter, Peggy. Lorraine drove over to Robin's house to tell him the news face-to-face. "He was a bit upset and went out the room. Then he came back and we went through it all," Lorraine says. Robin was surprised to discover that his parents had married in December 1942 - before he was conceived. "If they didn't want me, why didn't they give me up for adoption?" he asks. "It just doesn't make sense to me." Sadly Robin can't get them to explain it to him. Douglas Jones died in 1975 and Agnes passed away in 2014. "I feel like it was an opportunity lost. I would have gone over to meet her if I could," Robin says. "I can see how Agnes and Douglas couldn't see a way of coping with war and a baby so early in their marriage. "But I can't understand how you could leave a baby in central London, which was such a dangerous place at the time." Robin's oldest sister, Karen, visited from Canada a few months ago. She told him that their parents had mentioned an earlier baby but said it had been stillborn. However, around this time, Lorraine also found Agnes's half-brother, Brian, who lives in Scotland, and he had heard a different story - that Agnes had had a baby and given it up for adoption to an Air Force couple who were unable to have children. Though legal adoption had been possible since 1926 it remained common in the 1940s for one couple to simply agree to hand their child over to another. In September 1945, the Evening Despatch newspaper quoted a medical officer who said: "More than once children have been handed from parent to adopting parent following a casual meeting in a queue or in an employment exchange." Julia Bell believes Robin could have been abandoned after such a handover went wrong. It's a scenario she has come across a number of times in her detective work. "Imagine you've steeled yourself and no-one shows at the meeting place. You're not going to go back with the baby - it's going to have to be left," she says. Lorraine says this would help explain some puzzling aspects of the story. "Apparently my grandma was a lovely lady, a homely mum and really nice," she says, "which makes it hard to understand why she would do something like leave a baby." Then there is a birth certificate, which reveals Robin was born on 10 October at a maternity unit in Winchester. If Agnes had been planning to break the law by leaving her baby on the street, Lorraine thinks she would most likely have given birth at home, to prevent the birth being officially recorded. But other details remain perplexing. One is that the couple registered the baby's birth two weeks after abandoning him - and provided details such as his father's service number. "I would have thought they'd put as little information as possible," Lorraine says. They also gave him family names - Brian after Agnes's half-brother and Douglas after his father. Robin and Lorraine had finally found their family, but they were still desperate to find someone who could tell them about the day he was left. They made an appeal on BBC's Jeremy Vine show on Radio 2. "We thought someone might have had a family story of finding a baby in London during the war," Lorraine says. "It got our search out to more people but sadly it didn't lead to anything." However, the BBC was able to fill in another piece of the jigsaw. It turns out 200 Oxford Street, which was part of Peter Robinson's department store, had been taken over by the BBC's Overseas Service in 1941. Staff, including the writer George Orwell, made regular radio broadcasts from the building during the war. Trevor Hill, 92, was a junior programme engineer there at the time. And when asked if he remembered a baby being abandoned there during the war, remarkably he did - a baby wrapped in a blanket left in a box close to the front entrance. "I worked at 200 Oxford Street and I do remember the baby in the box," he says. "I did Home Guard duty for the BBC so when I saw the box I was slightly worried. "We weren't allowed to leave deliveries or anything lying around because of security." A couple of security guards went to check it - and discovered Robin inside. "I imagine the baby was taken inside to the staff canteen where there was milk, although I doubt we had any bottles," Trevor says. "We thought that the child's home might have been bombed and the mother had left it in desperation. It was typical of war time." Recently, Robin and Trevor met near the spot where their paths had crossed nearly 74 years before. This end of the former Peter Robinson store is now a branch of Urban Outfitters. "It's been a terrific experience to find someone who saw me at that time of life," Robin says. The two men plan on exchanging Christmas cards this year. A few weeks ago Lorraine received another tantalising piece of information from Canada - a copy of Robin's father's war record. It revealed that in October 1943 Douglas, a corporal, was an instructor at No 7 Radio School in South Kensington. It's probable he was staying in digs nearby at the time while Agnes was living near Andover. Douglas was on leave for the week before Robin's birth on 10 October and for four days following it. However, his file indicates he was back at work when Robin was found abandoned on Wednesday 20 October. He was almost certainly present when the now abandoned Robin was registered as Brian Jones. He was on leave from 5 to 7 November. Baby Brian was registered on 6 November. Lorraine and Robin know they are running out of new avenues to follow. They are waiting for a second adoption file to be opened but Robin doesn't think it will reveal the secret of why he was left. They think Julia Bell's theory that an informal adoption went wrong may well be correct. However, they don't rule out the possibility that Douglas deliberately left the baby at the BBC, while telling friends and family the baby had been adopted. It's hard to be sure. But Lorraine and Robin have at least found some answers. "It means a lot to find out what my dad's real name would have been and when he was actually born," Lorraine says. It turns out that Robin has been celebrating his birthday four days too early, on 6 October. That's the date officials estimated he was born, when he was found in 1943. In fact, his birth certificate reveals, he was born on 10 October. Robin hasn't decided yet which birthday to use in future, but he has no plans to change his name to Brian Douglas Jones. As regards his nationality, he is getting used to the idea that he is not English, as he always assumed, but half-Scottish and half-Canadian. "I am happy we went down this route," he says. "It's astounding to see what Lorraine did through trial and error. But there are certain things I will never know about my past." Family pictures courtesy of Robin King and Lorraine Ball More from the BBC When Kati Pohler was three days old she was left at a market in China. She was later adopted by an American family. When she was 20, Kati discovered her birth parents had left her a note, and that every year on the same day, they waited for her on a famous bridge in Hangzhou. Watch the full documentary, Meet Me On The Bridge. Claire Bates tweets at @batesybates. Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

كان روبن يبلغ من العمر 13 عامًا عندما اكتشف أنه متبني. وقيل له لاحقًا إنه تم التخلي عنه وتركه في صندوق في شارع أكسفورد بلندن. والآن يبلغ من العمر 74 عامًا، وقد أمضى معظم حياته يتساءل عمن تركه ولماذا. ولكن بفضل الحمض النووي والعمل البوليسي الدؤوب لإحدى بناته، حصل أخيرًا على بعض الإجابات.

سر الطفل في الصندوق

The attacks are alleged to have taken place between 2010 and 2018, the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office said on Thursday. Detail, real name Noel Christopher Fisher, has helped craft hits including Beyonce's 2013 song Drunk in Love. He denies all of the allegations. The 41-year-old was arrested on Wednesday and held on bail believed to be worth around $6.3m (£4.8m). Prosecutors added that most of the alleged incidents - with women aged between 18 and 31 at the time - took place at his home. If convicted, he could face a maximum of 225 years behind bars. The Detroit producer has also worked with Jennifer Lopez, Wiz Khalifa, Future and Beyonce's former Destiny's Child bandmate Kelly Rowland. Follow us on Facebook, or on Twitter @BBCNewsEnts. If you have a story suggestion email [email protected].

اتُهم المنتج ديتيل الحائز على جائزة جرامي، والذي عمل مع نجوم مثل بيونسيه وليل واين ونيكي ميناج، باغتصاب خمس نساء والاعتداء الجنسي على أخرى.

تفاصيل المنتج الحائز على جائزة جرامي متهمة بالاغتصاب

The victim managed to escape from the attack in Bestwood Road, Nottingham, on the evening of 15 February, Nottinghamshire Police said. A 22-year-old man from the city has been charged with kidnap and assault by beating and is currently in police custody. He is due to appear at Nottingham Magistrates' Court later. Follow BBC East Midlands on Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram. Send your story ideas to [email protected].

اتُهم رجل باختطاف ومهاجمة رجل كان محتجزًا ضد إرادته في سيارة.

رجل متهم بالاختطاف والاعتداء في نوتنغهام

Treasury and Resources Department member Roger Domaille said despite efficiencies being called for, there had been a 10% growth in spending. He said islanders would accept tax rises to balance the books, but not until budgets were properly controlled. Deputy Domaille said: "There's a long way to go to prove value for money."

يقول أحد النواب إن الإدارات الحكومية في غيرنسي بحاجة إلى إثبات أنها تستخدم الأموال بحكمة قبل أن تطلب المزيد من دافعي الضرائب.

يقول نائب غيرنسي إن الجمهور يحتاج إلى "دليل" على الميزانية

Substances officially known as "new psychoactive substances" are marketed at young people and presented in bright packaging. The latest official UK figures show 68 deaths were linked to legal highs in 2012, up from 10 in 2009. The event was held at extreme sports social enterprise Transition Extreme. It is hoped it can be rolled out across Scotland. Insp Kevin Wallace said: "Our officers attend incidents where young people have put themselves at risk having taken these substances. "The long-term effects of new psychoactive substances and the health impact these substances could have is still so unknown. "Our message is clear. We do not know what is in these substances so to keep safe do not take them."

تم عقد أول حدث تنظمه شرطة اسكتلندا لرفع مستوى الوعي بين مئات تلاميذ المدارس حول مخاطر النشوة القانونية في أبردين.

حدث للتوعية القانونية العالية عقد في أبردين

Police said the child received hospital treatment following the incident, at 13:15 BST on Saturday on the A470 between Caersws and Carno. The road was closed on Saturday afternoon, with diversions in place. Dyfed-Powys Police asked for anyone who witnessed the child falling from a black Rolls Royce limousine to contact them.

نقل طفل إلى المستشفى بعد سقوطه من سيارة ليموزين في بوويز.

طفل يعالج في المستشفى بعد سقوطه من سيارة ليموزين

By Steven BrocklehurstBBC Scotland news website Clare and Gordon - as Sinclair is known - first met in the summer of 1980, when as raw Glaswegian 18-year-olds they made a low budget film which changed their lives. Director Bill Forsyth's much-loved film was made at Abronhill High, as well as other locations around the new town of Cumbernauld. More than 30 years on and the school is earmarked for closure but the two stars, who are now both 50, went back to class to reflect on the film's lasting success and the unexpected turns their careers have taken since. Sinclair, who had been a member of the Glasgow Youth Theatre, had worked with Forsyth before. But he says he had started as a trainee apprentice electrician when Forsyth offered him the part of Gregory, so he was worried about missing his work. Grogan was working as a waitress, though not in a cocktail bar, she jokes. Forsyth, she says, was a regular in the Spaghetti Factory in Gibson Street and told her he wanted her in his film. Grogan says: "I said 'what kind of film are you talking about?'" But Forsyth overcame her suspicions and she first met Sinclair in a read-through at Pollok House in Glasgow. He says Grogan was an "exotic creature to me" and describes her as a Glasgow "west end trendy". She says Sinclair "seemed like the tallest person in the world - and he was wearing flares". In the film Gregory is infatuated with Dorothy (Dee Hepburn), the football team's female striker, but it is Susan (Grogan) who is the girl he should be looking for. When it came out in 1981, the naturalistic coming-of-age comedy struck a chord around the world and the young stars were soon whisked off to America and ferried from interview to interview by limo. By this time Grogan was also enjoying success with her band Altered Images. "Literally the summer I left school I got signed to Epic records and made the film," says Grogan. But she says she didn't tell the record company she was making a film and she did not tell the director she was in a band. "I didn't think it was particularly relevant," she says. Grogan's career with the band led to a string of hits including Happy Birthday and I Could Be Happy. In the video for Altered Images' 1983 single Bring Me Closer, Sinclair was brought in to play a James Bond-type character. Sinclair had also had a hit record the previous year when he was the lead voice on the Scotland football team's World Cup record We Have a Dream. The pair were living a superstar lifestyle hanging out with pop stars of the day such as Spandau Ballet and Wham. "Looking back I don't think we realised what a lucky position we were in," says Sinclair. The pair admit they "took it all for granted". "It was the naivete of youth and the arrogance of youth as well," Grogan says. Quite soon Grogan says she got "weary" of that environment and being away from home so much. "All you really felt like was that wee person from Glasgow. From the moment I left school my life was extraordinary," she says. A few years ago she tried to put those experiences in a book for children in an attempt to explain to her daughter Ellie about the joys and pitfalls of success. She says she wrote Tallulah and the Teen Stars because she got "so depressed" with young people wanting to be famous for the sake of it. "I wanted to explain to Ellie that it was all right to have fantastic dreams and aim for them, as long as you recognise there is some work involved in that," she adds. Call the shots Sinclair has also turned to writing in recent years, although his first novel Seventy Times Seven, is perhaps darker than Grogan's children's book. His is a crime thriller set in Northern Ireland and America. Sinclair says he likes writing as it allows him to "call all the shots" like a director and "play all the characters" like an actor. However, the pair have kept acting throughout all their other diversions. As well as comedy and drama, Sinclair won an Olivier award for the stage musical She Loves Me and starred in The Producers. There is also the small matter of the Gregory's Girl sequel he made in 1999. Next year he can be seen in Brad Pitt's World War Z, which was partly filmed in Glasgow. Grogan, who appeared in shows such as Red Dwarf and EastEnders, will play the mother of Glasgow gangster in The Wee Man. She says that after filming finished on Gregory's Girl all those years ago she felt "bereft". "I did not know how I would keep it going," she says. "I'd had a little taste of it and wanted to keep it going." The versatility that both Sinclair and Grogan have shown means they have managed pretty well. When Clare Grogan Met John Gordon Sinclair is on BBC Two Scotland at 22:00 on Tuesday 11 December and available on the iPlayer for seven days after that.

لقد كان الفيلم هو الذي غيّر صناعة السينما الاسكتلندية وصنع نجمين من أبطاله المجهولين. في فيلم وثائقي لهيئة الإذاعة البريطانية في اسكتلندا، يعود جون جوردون سنكلير وكلير جروجان إلى المدرسة في كومبرنولد حيث تم تصوير فتاة غريغوري.

فتاة غريغوري: يعود جون جوردون سنكلير وكلير جروجان إلى المدرسة

By Ian YoungsArts reporter, BBC News Part of Gormley's Another Place series, the life-size figures have been on Crosby beach in Merseyside since 2005. The head-to-toe crocheted outfits were added by New York-based artist Olek. "I feel that barnacles provide the best cover-up, but this is very impressive substitute!" Gormley said. One figure was given a pink, purple and green crocheted jumpsuit, while the other was clad in white, grey and black. Polish-born 34-year-old artist Agata Oleksiak, known as Olek, has previously surprised New Yorkers by giving the Wall Street bull similar treatment. She has also covered everything from cars and grand pianos to an entire apartment and its contents in her trademark colourful crochet. She said her outfits for the Gormley sculptures were "transforming old into new". "I think it is his most successful installation," she said. "The pieces have been there for a while and people stop paying attention to them. "By covering them and giving them a new skin, I made them more alive... besides, it is a public work and needs an interaction with a viewer." Gormley, who won the Turner Prize in 1994, installed 100 of the figures over a two-mile stretch of the beach. The outfits were spotted by the Liverpool Confidential website at the weekend. Olek added that she had wanted to dress all of the figures but was only in the area for one night, "travelling in a crocheted taxi from London across UK". She is now back in the US, installing a crocheted exhibition in Raleigh, North Carolina, before shows in Montreal and at the Smithsonian American Art Museum in Washington DC.

اثنان من رجال النحات أنتوني جورملي الحديديين، الذين يقفون عادة على الشاطئ ولا يرتدون شيئًا سوى الصدأ والبرنقيل، تم إضفاء مظهر متعدد الألوان عليهم من قبل فنان ملابس تريكو فدائي.

فنانو التريكو يصنعون منحوتات أنتوني جورملي

Venus, a reticulated python, escaped from her tank on Friday morning in Ampthill, Bedfordshire. She had become confused because of the hot weather and buried herself underneath the range cooker, Bedfordshire Fire and Rescue said. The crew who went to her aid said she was "very heavy, very fast but now very safe in her tank". Related Internet Links Bedfordshire Fire and Rescue Service

أنقذ رجال الإطفاء ثعبانًا يبلغ طوله 8 أقدام (2.4 مترًا) عالقًا تحت فرن كبير.

Ampthill python sssstuck تحت الفرن تم إنقاذه من قبل طاقم الإطفاء

By Brian WheelerPolitical reporter In an 1850 investigation into the life of the poor, Charles Dickens described how the inmates of a Newgate workhouse skulked about like wolves and hyenas pouncing on food as it was served. And how a "company of boys" were kept in a "kind of kennel". "Most of them are crippled, in some form or another," said the Wardsman, "and not fit for anything." Dickens sparked outrage with his powerful evocations of workhouse life, most famously in the novel Oliver Twist, but the idea that you could be thrown into what was effectively prison simply for the crime of being poor was never seriously challenged by the ruling classes in Victorian times. There was no welfare state, but the growth of workhouses had been the product of a classic British benefits crackdown. Since Elizabethan times and the 1601 Poor Law, providing relief for the needy had been the duty of local parishes. Life was not exactly easy for itinerant beggars, who had to be returned to their home parish under the law, but their condition was not normally seen as being their own fault. They were objects of pity and it was seen as the Christian duty of good people to help them if they could. But by the start of the 19th century, the idea that beggars and other destitutes might be taking advantage of the system had begun to take hold. The "idle pauper" was the Victorian version of the "benefit scrounger". 'Extortion and perjury' The Victorians were concerned that welfare being handed out by parishes was too generous and promoting idleness - particularly among single mothers. "The effect has been to promote bastardy; to make want of chastity on the woman's part the shortest road to obtaining either a husband or a competent maintenance; and to encourage extortion and perjury," said the 1832 Royal Commission into the operation of the poor laws. The 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act that followed aimed to put a stop to all that. Conditions in workhouses were deliberately made as harsh as possible, with inmates put to work breaking stones and fed a diet of gruel, to make the alternative, labouring for starvation wages in factories or fields, seem attractive. The shame of dying in the workhouse haunted the Victorian poor. Shame also stalked the drawing rooms of polite society, whenever a writer like Dickens or Henry Mayhew exposed the living conditions of the "great unwashed", half-starved and crammed into stinking, unsanitary slums. But the driving force of the Victorian age was "self help" and the job of aiding the poor was left to voluntary groups such as the Salvation Army and "friendly societies", who focused their efforts on the "deserving poor", rather than those deemed to have brought themselves low through drink or moral turpitude. It would take a war to make the alleviation of poverty for the masses the business of the national government. The appalling physical condition of the young men who were enlisted to fight in the 1899 war between the British Empire and Dutch settlers in South Africa (the Boers), which saw nine out 10 rejected as unfit, shocked the political classes and helped make a war that was meant to be over quickly drag on for three years. 'War socialism' David Lloyd George won a landslide election victory for the Liberal Party in 1906 with a promise of welfare reform. A means-tested old age pension was established for those aged 70 or more (the average life expectancy for men at that time was 48). A national health system was set up, to be run by voluntary bodies, and, in 1911, the president of the board of trade, Winston Churchill, introduced a limited form of unemployment insurance and the first "labour exchanges," forerunners of today's job centres. It would not take long for the failings of the new system to be exposed. The disaster of mass unemployment in the 1930s and botched attempts to provide assistance through the dreaded "means test" left a deep scar on the consciousness of the working class that would pave the way for the birth of the welfare state as we know it, at the end of the Second World War. Liberal politician Sir William Beveridge - the father of the modern welfare state - wrote in his best-selling report, published at the height of the war, about the need to slay the five giants: "Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness". The public's imagination was captured by the idea of "winning the peace" and not going back to the dark days of the 1930s after all the sacrifices of wartime. Labour was swept to power in a promise to implement the Beveridge report, a task made easier by "war socialism" - a country united to fight for a common good and a massive state bureaucracy in place to run it. 'Benefit dependent' A national system of benefits was introduced to provide "social security" so that the population would be protected from the "cradle to the grave". The new system was partly built on the national insurance scheme set up by Churchill and Lloyd George in 1911. People in work still had to make contributions each week, as did employers, but the benefits provided were now much greater. When mass unemployment returned at the start of the 1980s, the system ensured nobody starved, as they had in the 1930s. But the shame experienced by working class men, in particular, who had lost their job and were not able to provide for their families, captured in era-defining TV drama Boys from the Blackstuff, was an uncomfortable echo of the Great Depression. As a new century approached and mass unemployment became a fact of life, old scare stories about a class of "idle paupers" taking advantage of an over-generous welfare system returned. Anxiety about a permanent "underclass" of "benefit dependent" people who had never had a job - coupled with a sense that the country could not go on devoting an ever greater share of its national income to welfare payments - began to obsess politicians on the left and right. The new Beveridge? The defining TV drama, in an era where a life on benefits had lost much of its stigma, was Shameless, as the "benefits scrounger" became both an anti-establishment folk hero and a tabloid bogey figure. Labour made efforts to reform the system to "make work pay" but it was the coalition government, and work and pensions secretary Iain Duncan Smith, that confronted the issue head-on. To his critics, Duncan Smith is the spiritual heir of the Victorian moralists who separated the poor into "deserving" and "undeserving" types - and set out to demonise and punish those thought to have brought it all on themselves. But to his supporters, Duncan Smith is the new Beveridge. The great social reformer surely never envisaged a welfare system of such morale-sapping complexity, they argue, where it often does not pay to work. "The state in organising security should not stifle incentive, opportunity, responsibility," wrote Beveridge in his report. "In establishing a national minimum, it should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and family." The Conservative government is committed to achieving full employment, seeing work as the answer to many of society's ills. It has avoided the criticism levelled at the Thatcher government of the 1980s, that it allowed millions to rot away on benefits as a "price worth paying" for economic recovery. But cuts to in-work benefits such as tax credits have handed ammunition to those on the left who accuse the government of trying to balance the nation's books on the backs of the working poor. The debate opens up a new chapter in the story of Britain's welfare state, although many of the characters and themes have a very familiar ring to them.

نحن نفكر في دولة الرفاهية باعتبارها وليدة القرن العشرين، ولكن جذورها تمتد إلى العصر الإليزابيثي. إنه تاريخ مليء بحملات قمع المساعدات، والذعر بشأن "المحتالين" والغضب العام من حالة الفقراء.

كيف وصلنا إلى دولة الرفاهية هذه؟

The incident happened in the Tulloch area of the city at about 07:15. A Police Scotland spokeswoman said the girl was taken by ambulance to Ninewells Hospital in Dundee. There is currently no information available on the child's injuries.

تم نقل فتاة تبلغ من العمر خمس سنوات إلى المستشفى بعد سقوطها من نافذة في بيرث.

نقلت فتاة، 5 سنوات، إلى المستشفى بعد سقوطها من النافذة في بيرث

The injured 21-year-old remains in a critical condition in hospital following the stabbing on Forge Road, Darlaston, Walsall, on Wednesday night. A 19-year-old handed himself into West Midlands Police on Friday, the force said. A man arrested on suspicion of affray has also been released. The victim was injured in the leg during a fight, according to police. Follow BBC West Midlands on Facebook, on Twitter, and sign up for local news updates direct to your phone.

تم إطلاق سراح المراهق بكفالة بعد أن تم القبض عليه للاشتباه في محاولته القتل بعد أن طعن رجل خارج حانة.

رجل أطلق سراحه بكفالة بسبب طعن حانة دارلاستون

Staff at the library in Aberystwyth, Ceredigion, which employs about 225 people, have received details of a proposed new structure. A consultation is running until 15 February. The Welsh Government said it could not increase its revenue support. In September, an independent review found the library faced a threat to its financial viability and said its finances needed "urgent attention". At the time, chief executive and national librarian Pedr ap Llwyd said it was down to "systematic, historic underfunding by Welsh Government". He said the library's position was "unsustainable" and faced a "real threat" to its future. The library is both a registered charity and a Welsh Government-sponsored body. It is funded by a combination of grant in aid allocated by Welsh Government and income secured through its commercial, fundraising and charging activities. Mr ap Llwyd has been asked to comment. A Welsh Government spokesman said: "We know this is a very difficult period for the culture and heritage sector and talk of any job losses is a real concern. "We have been able to protect the library's grant-in-aid from any reductions, but due to unprecedented budget pressures it has not been possible to increase revenue support. "It is now a matter for the library to make decisions as to how it can operate effectively within available budgets." Related Internet Links The National Library of Wales

ثلاثون وظيفة معرضة للخطر في مكتبة ويلز الوطنية.

مكتبة ويلز الوطنية: ثلاثون وظيفة في خطر

By Laurence CawleyBBC Inside Out Neville Jamieson is a man most people hope could be reached in an emergency. He is a heart surgeon at Addenbrooke's Hospital in Cambridge. But when he gets about five miles (8km) from his Suffolk home, the mobile telephone provided by the hospital - which has the necessary security measures to give access to patient information - loses reception. He has entered one of England's numerous mobile telephone 'not spots'. Mr Jamieson, of Cowlinge, Suffolk, has two other mobile telephones, each with a different network provider. One works off broadband, which has been intermittent and does not work in the garden, while the third has reception only sporadically in certain areas of the house. Why do 'not spots' exist? For more: Mobile Operators Association Asked what he does if he is expecting an issue with a patient during the evening, Mr Jamieson said: "I'll sit in the living room by the landline telephone and stay there." But he does not want to be chained to his living room. "I'm available on a 24-hour basis," says Mr Jamieson. "A phone in your pocket is just perfect. So please give us a mobile signal that works." For thousands of years, farmers managed perfectly well without mobile telephones. But the industry has changed, says George Gittus, who farms in Little Saxham, near Bury St Edmunds. Most people think farmers only need a mobile telephone if they get into trouble out on their land. Not so. "Nowadays, like many businesses in the urban environment, farming is able to control a lot of what it does via mobile phone," says Mr Gittus, "We've got computer controlled systems that work via a mobile phone." Mr Gittus's piggery systems and the control system for the farm's bio gas plant both work via mobile telephone. "Not only can I not control them without a mobile telephone signal, I also cannot get the alarm signals that they send about potential pollution and other situations like that." But such systems only work if the farmer can get a signal. And that, says Mr Gittus, is not always guaranteed. Mr Gittus said rural Britain was at risk of being left behind in what he described as "phone poverty". So what is the future for these remote 'not spots'? The picturesque village of Blakeney might have the answer. It is one of a number of villages in which Vodafone has installed a series of discreet mini phone masts, creating a reliable network in an area of salt marsh where a traditional mast would not have been allowed. Dr Robert Matthews, of Vodafone, said: "Without a mast you can't use your mobile phones. "In the past people have objected to our structures for whatever reason and these objections and concerns have led to the fact that we haven't been able to develop our network as quickly as we'd like." Delicatessen owner Nick Howard said the new system was "revolutionary". "It means we can get hold of suppliers to sort out for restocking purposes, customers can get hold of us and place orders. "It has made a huge difference."

في حين أن بعض الأشخاص يمكنهم تنزيل أفلام كاملة على هواتفهم المحمولة في ثوانٍ، إلا أن هناك آخرين لا يمكنهم إجراء مكالمة أو إرسال رسالة نصية. هؤلاء هم سكان ما يسمى بـ "ليست البقع". إذن، هل ما زال الصمت من ذهب في عصر المعلومات؟

الحياة داخل الهاتف المحمول "لا بقعة"

Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust recently approved a three-month closure of A&E at the hospital from 22:00 until 08:00 GMT, starting on 1 December. Trust chief executive Lynn Hill-Tout has said the closure will allow resources to be focused on the daytime. Campaigners are concerned about the travel time to other hospitals. There are other A&E departments at the University Hospital of North Staffordshire in Stoke-on-Trent, Queen's Hospital in Burton, New Cross Hospital in Wolverhampton and Walsall Manor Hospital.

وقع أكثر من 7000 شخص على عريضة تعرب عن مخاوفهم بشأن الإغلاق الليلي المؤقت لوحدة الطوارئ والطوارئ بمستشفى ستافورد.

تجذب عريضة مستشفى ستافورد A&E آلاف التوقيعات

Secretary General of National Freedom Front (NFF) Nadana Gunatilake said the conspirators are planning to oust the JVP leader in the National Conference of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) on Tuesday. He accused a JVP group "supported by the United National Party (UNP)" of JVP trying to capture power in the JVP. The NFF leaders who were senior leders of the JVP was forced to leave the party because of the same group he said. Nanadana Gunatilake and Wimal Weerawansha formed the NFF on 12 May after leaving the JVP. Wimal Weerawansa then the propaganda secretary of JVP accused the party of conspiring against him. The JVP is due to hold its Fifth National Conference on Tuesday. The party is scheduled to appoint the senior leaders at the party convention.

هناك مؤامرة لإزالة Somawansha Amarasinghe كزعيم لـ Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) ، كما تقول المجموعة المنشقة عن JVP.

"مؤامرة" لإزالة سوماوانشا

Just as night falls, about 60 young women and men begin marching through some of Delhi university's premier colleges. Many are carrying posters, they shout slogans, halt outside women's hostels, recite poems and break out into impromptu dances. "We don't need no false protection, you can't cage half the nation," they sing. One young man plays a drum hanging around his neck, while a woman wearing a red sari gives a lively speech. At regular intervals, the participants - Delhi university students past and present - whistle and clap in approval or chant "shame, shame". The issue that has brought all these men and women out on to the streets is what is called the "curfew hour" in women's hostels - the deadline by which residents must return to their rooms. "It is discriminatory," says Devangana Kalita, a 26-year-old researcher and co-founder of the Pinjra Tod movement. "Curfews and deadlines in the name of providing protection and safety are actually mechanisms of reproducing patriarchy. We are saying this is not about women's safety really, this is about moral policing." Students say most women's hostels - whether run by the university or privately-owned - follow curfew hours. Some lock their gates as early as 6:30pm or 7:30pm while a few allow students to remain out until a little later. They say while curfew times are stringently enforced in women's hostels and those who break them run the risk of being expelled, hostels for men, which also have curfew hours on paper, rarely enforce them. Libraries and laboratories in the university are open until much later - till midnight or in some places, even until 2am - and curfew hours mean women have no access to them. "The university infantilises you," says Ms Kalita. "They don't see you as equipped to handle your safety on your own, they say we will be your guardians, they impose these restrictions on you so they can mould you into a particular kind of a girl who is saleable in the marriage market, who does not cross boundaries. "But tonight, we are out to claim the streets, to fill the streets with the audacity of our dreams and desires," she adds. Shambhawi Vikram, a 23-year-old arts student, who lives in a private hostel - which are called PGs or "Paying Guest" hostels - says the restrictions are "humiliating" but being locked up can also be dangerous and life-threatening. "Two years ago, there was an earthquake in Delhi. As our building shook, all of us who lived on the lower floors rushed out, but 20 students who lived on the fourth and fifth floors were stuck, because they were locked up. It was frightening, they all ran out into the balcony and looked at us. We could only look at them. We all felt so helpless." Rafiul Rahman, a 23-year-old postgraduate student who is among the protesters, says the march to claim the streets is "unprecedented" and "historic". "Something like this has never happened before in the university. It's crazy to lock up women after 7pm. You have to question and challenge irrational norms." Mr Rahman says whenever he steps out at night, there are a lot of men sitting and smoking and drinking chai, "but you don't see a single woman - and that must change". Campaigners say that the idea that locking up women will keep them safe is very flawed logic. "You can't keep women safe by keeping them away, it does not make any sense. Streets will be safer only when we have more women on the streets," Mr Rahman says. With their night walk, Ms Kalita says, "we are trying to create a new imagination, about what public spaces could be like". Protests by students in the past have forced the authorities to relax timings somewhat, but the Pinjra Tod campaigners say that's not enough. The campaigners are using social media to mobilise students - and others - across Delhi and beyond to broaden their movement for freedom. Ms Vikram says in India, women across ages and class live in cages and they have to fight to escape these prisons throughout their lives. "Some 40-50 years ago, women had to break the cage to get in to university, today we are trying to break the cage to get to the library after 7pm. "Even Cinderella could stay out until midnight. Why can't we," she asks?

تناضل الطالبات الشابات في العاصمة الهندية دلهي من أجل تأكيد حقهن في الأماكن العامة من خلال حملة تسمى بينجرا تود (كسر القفص). تنضم إليهم مراسلة بي بي سي جيتا باندي لقضاء ليلة وهم يخرجون "للسيطرة على الشوارع" وملؤها "بأحلامهم ورغباتهم".

المطالبة بشوارع دلهي "لكسر القفص" للنساء

The Steam Packet company said the Manannan fast craft had been operating on reduced power since June. Repairs had been scheduled to take three days during September, but a revised plan means the boat will be repaired in just one day, on 6 August. Passengers booked to travel on this day are asked to contact the ferry company. The Manannan runs from Douglas to Liverpool.

من المقرر أن تتم أعمال الإصلاح على العبارة في جزيرة آيل أوف مان في وقت مبكر عن الموعد المقرر، بعد أن تضرر أحد محركاتها الأربعة بسبب معدات الصيد المهملة.

إصلاحات مبكرة للمحرك لعبارة جزيرة مان مانان

By Steven BrocklehurstBBC Scotland news website CCTV footage, mobile phone records, emails, shop receipts - our everyday routine leaves an "electronic footprint". David Gilroy went to great lengths to cover his tracks after he killed Suzanne Pilley in May 2010. But an extraordinary police investigation tracked his movements in the smallest of detail. CCTV footage from a supermarket two days before Suzanne's disappearance shows the pair buying groceries for a meal near her flat. What looks on the screen to be an unremarkable domestic scene is in fact his last desperate attempt to resurrect the relationship. Gilroy, a married man, had been having a secret relationship with his work colleague for about a year but she had been trying to end it. That night they had a massive row and two days later he killed her. At 08:19 on Tuesday 4 May, Suzanne's final commute to work was captured by CCTV cameras which track virtually every bus passenger in the Scottish capital. She had spent the night with a new man whom she had recently met. Suzanne got off the bus at 08:49 and was picked up by other CCTV cameras as she walked the last part of her journey to work. She was seen going into a supermarket before she finally disappeared from view. Specialist CCTV analysts looked at images from 84 cameras in the area and built up a case that a tiny image of Suzanne could be seen from a distant camera as she entered her work. Gilroy had spent the previous few weeks besieging her with numerous texts and voicemails, desperate to continue their relationship. Police were able to recover everything left on her phone, even though the phone itself has never been found. Gilroy knew there were no CCTV cameras at the place where he and Pilley worked. However, CCTV cameras on properties outside the building show him going in and out of the basement garage. The man who quickly became a suspect had arrived at work by bus but later made excuses to go home and collect his car. Later he was caught by CCTV having just bought four air fresheners. Police believe Gilroy lured Suzanne to the basement and killed her. He then hid her body in a stairwell before later transferring it to the boot of his car. Specialist cadaver dogs were used to search the basement and garage of the building. They found areas of interest but no DNA or forensics. Before Gilroy went home he went to his computer and arranged an appointment which would require him to drive about 130 miles to Lochgilphead in rural Argyll the next day. The killer then went home and acted naturally. CCTV images even caught him attending a school concert and a restaurant that evening. Police reconstructed Gilroy's trip to Argyll on 5 May through CCTV at various places along the route, such as when he stopped for petrol. Officers had to trawl for CCTV footage from hundreds of cameras - not just on the main route to Lochgilphead but surrounding roads as well. It was a route Gilroy took regularly but on this occasion he went much further north than the direct route and police were suspicious. Gilroy's mobile phone was later seized by police, along with his car. Experts found that the phone had been switched off between Stirling and Inveraray and the same on the way back. Police suspected Gilroy had deliberately switched his phone off to conceal his movements while he did a "reccy" for a site to dispose of Suzanne's body. He repeated this on his way back when he actually buried the body. But Gilroy did not realise that his car would provide more clues that he had been driving along rough forest tracks. Damage to the suspension, scrape marks on the underside of the car and vegetation attached to the car were all clues of his off-road activities. Police reckoned that the average time for the journey between Tyndrum and Inveraray was 36 minutes. CCTV analysis of the time taken by Gilroy indicated that he took five hours and eight minutes. Footage from CCTV also showed that an umbrella on the back parcel shelf of his car, probably put there when Suzanne's body was placed in the boot, disappeared from view on the return journey, having been placed back in the boot. Despite extensive searches, Suzanne's body was never found. However, due to the cumulative evidence built up in the police investigation, Gilroy was convicted at the High Court in Edinburgh last month. On Wednesday, he was given a life sentence with a minimum of 18 years before he can apply for parole. Suzanne Pilley: The Woman Who Vanished will be shown on BBC One Scotland on Wednesday 18 April at 22:45.

قبل عامين، اختفت سوزان بيلي وهي في طريقها إلى العمل في وسط إدنبرة. ولم يتم اكتشاف جثتها قط، لكن أُدين قاتلها الشهر الماضي بعد أن تم تتبع تحركاته بواسطة مجموعة من أجهزة المراقبة. يوم الأربعاء، حُكم على ديفيد جيلروي بالسجن لمدة 18 عامًا على الأقل قبل أن يتمكن من تقديم طلب للإفراج المشروط.

كيف حل مجتمع المراقبة جريمة قتل بدون جثة

By Ellen OtzenBBC World Service As he stepped onto the fishing boat that was meant to carry them across the Baltic sea to safety, 14-year-old Bent Melchior feared he might never see his home again. A week earlier, he had left the home in Copenhagen he shared with his parents and four siblings. It was 8 October 1943 and Denmark was under Nazi occupation. Along with thousands of other Danish Jews, Bent and his family were fleeing the Germans. "We were gathered in this boat that was supposed to carry herrings, but instead it was now carrying human beings," he says. They set off after dark. There were 19 people on the boat, hiding below deck in case German planes should spot them from overhead. The night air was chilly and the sea rough. "People started to be sick, and every minute felt like an hour". Melchior and his family were part of a mass escape. That autumn night, 2,500 Jews set sail for neighbouring Sweden from Danish beaches and ports, in rowing boats, canoes, as stowaways on ferries and cargo ships. Some even swam across. In September that year, the Nazi secret police - the Gestapo - had decided to deport all Danish Jews to concentration camps, just as they'd done to millions of other Jews across Europe. The raid was scheduled for Friday 1 October, when they had hoped to find families gathering for the Jewish Sabbath dinner. But when they raided their homes, they found fewer than 300 people still there. A few days earlier, Georg Duckwitz, a German naval attache working at the German embassy in Copenhagen, had tipped off Hans Hedtoft, a leading member of the Danish Labour party. Hedtoft, who later became Denmark's prime minister, warned the Jewish community to leave. "My parents were worried the phone might be tapped. So my mum started ringing other Jewish families, encouraging them to 'take a holiday in the countryside'," Melchior recalls. "She told them we were also going away for a few days as we hadn't had a holiday that year." In 1943, Denmark was home to around 8,000 Jews. Although the country had been invaded by Germany three years earlier, the government had accepted the occupation in exchange for a measure of control over domestic affairs. Danish Jews were protected by the Danish government, whose leader collaborated with Hitler. But a determined campaign by the Danish resistance prompted Germany to take over full control of Danish affairs and the government resigned in August. The following month, Hitler ordered the deportation of all Danish Jews. As news of the imminent Nazi raid spread, Melchior's father, a rabbi at Copenhagen's main synagogue, interrupted a service celebrating Jewish New Year to urge the congregation to go into hiding and to spread the word to other Jews. The Melchior family caught a train to the island of Falster in south-eastern Denmark. The carriages were filled with German soldiers and Bent's mother and five-year-old brother Paul travelled in an empty first-class carriage in case the youngest family member unwittingly gave away where they were going. Together with 60 other Jewish refugees, Bent Melchior's father brought his wife and four youngest children into hiding at the home of a bishop. From there, they hoped to flee across the sea to neutral Sweden, which offered safety for refugees. But getting there was not easy. To even secure a place on one of the small fishing boats being used to ferry the Jews across could cost as much as £5,500 ($9,000) a head in today's money. After eight hours at sea, the boat carrying the Melchior family came close to land. Dawn was breaking and a lighthouse was clearly visible. But something was wrong. Having learnt in geography at school that Sweden was east of Denmark, Bent realised that daylight was coming from the wrong direction. In fact, the boat had sailed in a circle rather than east to the Swedish coast. The lighthouse was a Danish lighthouse and the refugees were back where they had set off. The fisherman at the helm had never sailed far from the coast and had no idea how to navigate. Sitting in the comfortable apartment in central Copenhagen he shares with his wife Lilian, surrounded by pictures of their four sons, his recollection of the escape he made 70 years ago is still crystal clear. "We were afraid. My five-year-old brother had no idea what was going on. Unbeknownst to me my mother was pregnant at the time, so she had a terrible time," says Bent Melchior. "If it was dangerous to be out at sea it night, it was even more dangerous in daylight. We could hear German planes overhead. If they had seen us, the Gestapo would have captured us." Eventually they started to sail east, following the sun. Miraculously, after 18 hours at sea, they reached Lilla Beddinge, a small fishing village on the Swedish coast. A six-year-old boy, Per-Arne Persson, spotted them from the beach and alerted his father, a local fisherman, who sailed out to meet the boat. Bent Melchior and his family settled down to their new life in Sweden. Bent was enrolled in a Danish school in the town of Lund, while his father got a job as a rabbi. But they were now refugees in a foreign country. Swedish was not hard for Danes to understand and the Swedish government had assured them they could stay for the duration of the war. Nevertheless, strangers would often make comments about them. "People would complain that we were taking their coffee rations, or whatever was rationed at the time. "As refugees we had to queue up to buy second-hand underwear, which they had decided was good enough for us." Seven decades later, Bent can still recall what it was like to be an alien abroad: "All these denigrating signs, I can still feel today," he says. Around 200 people were caught by the Germans while trying to escape and deported to the Theresienstadt concentration camp in what is now the Czech Republic. But more than 7,500 Danish Jews eventually made it across to Sweden in October 1943. They were brought out under cover. Some escape routes were organised by members of the resistance movement. But most Danish historians argue that the escape would not have been possible had it not been for thousands of ordinary Danes who helped the Jews flee. Some were "admitted" to hospitals under false names, others were hidden in churches, farms and holiday homes by the sea while they organised transport. There were of course, exceptions. Eighty Jewish refugees hiding in the loft of a church in the northern town of Gilleleje were arrested by the Gestapo after a young Danish housemaid, engaged to a German soldier, turned them in. They too, were deported to Theresienstadt. After 19 months in Sweden, the German occupation of Denmark was over. Liberation came on 4 May, 1945 and the refugees were free to return home. Melchior and his family moved back into their old apartment in Copenhagen. Life fell back into its usual rhythm, but it was never the same. His experience as a refugee galvanised Bent Melchior to a life-long involvement with refugees. "We were changed people. I became very active in various movements within the Jewish community and outside. "We tried to take a lesson from what had happened, to stop this terrible intolerance." He later went on to become a senior member of the Danish Refugee Council and followed his father in becoming the chief rabbi of Denmark. He has travelled the world telling his story, determined that this tale of survival should never be forgotten. Per-Arne, the six-year old Swedish boy who spotted their boat from the beach 70 years ago, is still a friend today. Bent Melchior's interview with the BBC World Service programme Witness will be broadcast at 07:50GMT on 8 October. Listen via BBC iPlayer Radio or browse the Witness podcast archive. You can follow the Magazine on Twitter and on Facebook

في مثل هذا الشهر قبل سبعين عاما، حدثت عملية هروب جماعي غير عادية من الدنمارك التي كانت تحت الاحتلال النازي. وبعد تلقي معلومات عن خطط ألمانية لترحيلهم إلى معسكرات الاعتقال، فر جميع السكان اليهود تقريبًا - عدة آلاف من الأشخاص - من منازلهم وغادروا البلاد.

الهروب الجماعي لليهود من الدنمارك المحتلة من قبل النازيين

What happened? The gig was just about over and crowds were swarming towards the exits when a "huge bang" went off. Some thought the noise was balloons popping, but in fact it was a man setting off a home-made bomb. We know that 22 people died - including an eight-year-old girl and a student - and more than 50 were hurt. The impact threw some people into the air and sent the music fans into a state of panic, desperate to get out of the building. Who does things like this? At the moment, we know very little about the man who did this. Terrorists - people who try to make themselves heard through violence - think they are acting not just for themselves but for the wider community. Somebody who does this sort of thing may be acting out of hatred towards a particular group of people or feel that they have been treated badly. Alison says attackers are usually acting out of anger. They have sometimes followed instructions through websites, or acted alone, or they might have been trained. It's too early to know for certain if the man who carried out this attack had views connected to political or religious belief systems. But the so-called Islamic State, which is a group fighting wars in Iraq and Syria, has said it is behind this attack. Sometimes with attacks like these the person involved might be miserable, hate his life and want to get into the history books. Again, an attacker could be lonely or unwell, and may not be thinking in a way that most people think. Why target young people? We don't know exactly who he meant to target but with a lot of these sorts of attacks, it's a question of opportunity. Some places like underground rail systems, shopping centres or, in this case, Manchester Arena can't be completely protected. These types of venue are possibly easier to target than Parliament or town halls, so you can sometimes say the attacker is just choosing the easier option. Could this happen to me? Terror attacks are very, very rare in most countries. But no-one is 100% safe and you can't give people false assurances, says Alison. Britain is largely a safe place to live. It's an island so it's not easy to smuggle weapons in and it's also a place where people look out for each other. Whatever your background, there's a group who will look out for you. The police, security services and the government are all working to keep you safe. How can I stay safe? What can I do to help? Manchester seems to have shown extraordinary courage and generosity, says Alison. Kind people offered beds for people to sleep in, gave them lifts and left food and drink at the scene for the emergency services. Some ideas for how you and your friends could help include: Alison Jamieson has written Radicalisation and Terrorism: A Teachers' Handbook for Addressing Extremism (2015) and Talking about Terrorism: Responding to Children's Questions (2017)

كانت المغنية الأمريكية أريانا غراندي تغادر المسرح لتوها في مانشستر أرينا عندما انفجرت قنبلة في الخارج مباشرة، مما أسفر عن مقتل وإصابة العشرات - بما في ذلك المراهقين. وهنا، تجيب أليسون جاميسون، مؤلفة كتاب الحديث عن الإرهاب، على بعض أسئلتك.

هجمات مانشستر: ما يحتاج المراهقون إلى معرفته

Mark D'ArcyParliamentary correspondent And until there is a new government, armed with a new agenda, expect more of the same. The work of the select committees and some of the Westminster Hall debates highlight the issues that will pack the in-trays on incoming ministers, when a new prime minister takes office - local council finance, court closures, refugees... One interesting emerging question, though, is whether Parliament will get a chance to ratify (or reject) the new prime minister who emerges from the Conservative leadership contest? Might there be a bit of an interval between a winner being declared and Theresa May advising the Queen who she should send for, during which some kind of confidence vote could be held in the Commons? Watch this space. Finally, a shameless personal plug: It is 40 years since MPs voted to create the current select committee system - and in Radio 4's Archive Hour I look at how the committees emerged as a power in the land - revisiting some of the high drama and occasional low comedy from the last four decades. That's Speaking Truth to Power at 20:00 BST on Saturday 15 June. Enjoy. Meanwhile, here's my rundown of the week ahead: Monday 17 June The Commons week begins (14:30) with Housing, Communities and Local Government Questions, probably followed by the usual crop of post-weekend ministerial statements and urgent questions, beginning at 15:30. The day's legislating is on the second reading of the Non-Domestic Rating (Lists) Bill. This implements the chancellor's budget promise to bring forward by one year the next revaluation for non-domestic rates in England and Wales to 1 April 2021. The idea is that more frequent revaluations will ensure that business rates bills are more up-to-date in reflecting property values, and the bill will also shift to 3-yearly cycle of revaluations. In Westminster Hall (16:30) there's a debate on e-petition 229004 "that Cats killed or injured by a vehicle are checked for an identification chip". The petition argues that "thousands of cats are just disposed of every year without being scanned for a chip after being involved in road traffic accidents. "Owners search for months and years and never get closure. Scanning takes two minutes. Cats are a part of a family and deserve to be returned home, not thrown into landfill." On the committee corridor, Public Accounts (16:00) looks at Network Rail's £1.46bn sale of railway arches - 5,261 rental spaces across England and Wales, more than half in London, and the concerns about the long-term value for money from the deal, and its impact on tenants. In the Lords (14:30) questions to ministers include the Conservative Lord Hayward asking about the introduction of the 10p plastic bag charge in England. The main debate is on the Women Deliver 2019 conference, held in Vancouver, and the role the UK plays internationally in promoting global gender equality and sexual and reproductive health and rights Tuesday 18 June MPs begin (11:30) with Health and Social Care Questions, starring ex-leadership candidate Matt Hancock. The day's Ten Minute Rule Bill, from Conservative ex-minister Sarah Newton, provides a suggestion aimed at helping the government meet its newly unveiled target to cut the UK's net carbon emissions to a net zero, by 2050. She wants to set up a mechanism to boost home energy efficiency. Next, the House will be asked to approve an ecclesiastical measure on church representation and ministers - this simplifies the processes for standing to elections to Parish Church Councils, Deanery Synod and General Synod, cutting some of the bureaucracy out of the process. It also makes provisions for joint councils in multi-parish benefices to reduce the administrative burdens on clergy and laity. And before long they'll turn to a statutory instrument aimed at avoiding duplication between the lists of people barred from working with children in England and Scotland. The main debate is on a backbench motion on the implementation of Dame Laura Cox's report into the bullying and harassment of House of Commons staff. Women and Equalities Chair Maria Miller wanted to review the progress dealing with the "widespread culture of bullying and harassment" identified in the report. One driver for this debate is the resignation (over the government's Brexit policy) of the previous Leader of the House, Andrea Leadsom. She had been seen as the driving force behind moves to change the culture in Westminster - I wonder if she might speak from the backbenches? In Westminster Hall, the opening debate (9:30) sees a cross-party group of international development heavyweights, including former International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell and select committee chair Stephen Twigg discussing the continued importance of international humanitarian law in protecting civilians in conflict. Expect the discussion to range across Yemen, Syria, Rwanda and Sudan. The MPs will also discuss the serious international repercussions of a lack of respect for international humanitarian law by armed parties, including the difficulty of building sustainable peace and reconciliation, and increased refugee flows. My eye was also caught by Plaid Cymru MP Ben Lake's debate (11:00) on attracting diplomatic representation to Wales. Inspired by the Irish government's decision to re-establish a consulate general in Cardiff, earlier this year, in hope of strengthening political and economic ties, he wants the UK government to encourage the 30 countries that already have honorary consuls in Wales to upgrade their diplomatic missions. The hope is that this could help to attract foreign investment. Other subjects for debate include teaching migration in the history curriculum (14:30) and the Colombia peace progress (16:30). It's a busy day on the committee corridor. Watch out for the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Sub-Committee on Disinformation (10:30), which takes evidence from Bob Posner, the chief executive of the Electoral Commission, The Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee (10:00) holds the closing session of its inquiry into local government finance quizzing the Minister for Local Government, Rishi Sunak. The committee will focus on how local authorities can plan for the long-term uncertainty over the likely settlement and after a 30% fall in funding, combined with increasing service pressures and statutory obligations. It will also look at the local tax system, including the impact of business rate retention and potential for reforms to council tax. In the Lords (14:30) the main event is the report stage consideration of the Census (Return Particulars and Removal of Penalties) Bill, where the key issues are around the penalties. There is also a regret motion against a statutory instrument on the Children's Homes etc Inspection, Childcare, Adoption Fees Regulations, from the crossbench peer Lord Russell of Liverpool. His criticism is that the regulations revoke the duty on adoption agencies to provide information about children approved for adoption and approved prospective adopters who have not been matched. He says the government has failed to justify these decisions, or explain how it intends to mitigate the risk of reduced provision for children who may be harder to place. A vote is likely at around 17:00. The day's final business is a 90-minute debate on the Cadet Expansion Programme in schools and the steps taken to encourage the growth of cadet units of all three services Wednesday 19 June Commons business opens (11:30) with half an hour of Scotland questions, followed by Prime Minister's Question Time - an increasingly tepid and poorly attended affair in recent weeks. The day's Ten Minute Rule Bill, from the Labour MP Luke Pollard would require the government to prepare and report on a strategy to recycle out-of-service nuclear submarines, 13 of which are tied up in his Plymouth constituency - with a further six in Rosyth. More will be joining them as more subs go out of service. Then MPs turn to the report and third reading of the Parliamentary Buildings (Restoration and Renewal) Bill. This sets up an Olympics-style governance system for the multi-billion pound restoration programme for the Victorian Palace of Westminster. The bill is on a free vote, but there are a number of issues that will be pushed, including an amendment from Labour on only using contractors involved in blacklisting if they have signed a trade union recognition agreement. This was defeated on party lines at committee stage, but they are trying again. The government says it is sympathetic but as so many firms were involved in blacklisting it would complicate an already challenging project. The Labour front bench are pushing this on the argument that there is little long-term downside for companies involved in blacklisting (and maybe also because they will be glad to have a cause all their MPs can support?). There has also been some discussion about ensuring that the official financial watchdog, the National Audit Office has full access to the books - including to private contractors. And beyond that, there will be cross-party pressure to ensure that the work is spread across the nations and regions, with small businesses as well as mega-contractors getting a chance to work on what will be a long-running mega-project. In Westminster Hall, Work and Pensions Committee chair Frank Field leads a debate (14:30) on the Independent Review of the Modern Slavery Act, which he chaired and which made 80 recommendations aimed at toughening the laws introduced in 2015. He says there have been "too few" convictions under the Act, and he says ministers need to give teeth to it. Other subjects for debate include the future of free schools (9:30); East to West Midlands railway connectivity (16:00) and Jewish refugees from the Middle East and North Africa (16:30). My committee corridor pick is the Transport Committee session (9:45) on pavement parking, and there may be more than the usual interest in the International Development Committee hearing (14:30) with Secretary of State and leadership candidate Rory Stewart talking about UK progress on the Sustainable Development Goals. In the Lords, Labour peer and former chair of the Metropolitan Police Authority, Lord Harris, has a pointed-looking question on the UK's ability to tackle illegal arms coming into the country post-Brexit. The main event is the second reading Wild Animals in Circuses (No.2) Bill, the measure banning of the use of wild animals for entertainment purposes. This is followed by a 90-minute debate on the steps being taken to empower widows in developing countries and to mark International Widows Day 2019. And watch out for what promises to be an entertaining session of the Lords EU Energy and Environment Sub-Committee. The committee will be asking whether there is any evidence that consumers are confused by the use of terms such as 'burger' and 'sausage' to describe vegetarian products. They will put that question to witnesses from the National Farmers' Union the Vegetarian Society, the Vegan Society and Quorn Foods. Thursday 20 June The Commons begins (9:30) with 40 minutes of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Questions, starring leadership contender Michael Gove. Then comes the monthly mini-question time for the MPs who speak for the Church Commissioners, the House of Commons Commission and the Speaker's Committee on the Electoral Commission. The new Leader of the House, Mel Stride, will deliver his second Business Statement, which may see the announcement of a second reading debate for the Domestic Abuse Bill. The main debates are on two motions chosen by the Backbench Business Committee, on Refugee Family Reunion, to mark Refugee Week. The UK Government has given 5,806 family reunion visas to partners and children of refugees, but the sponsors of the debate want to highlight the fact that the UK is one of the few countries that does not give the same rights to child refugees as it gives to adult refugees. That is followed by a general debate on Court Closures and Access to Justice. In the Lords (11:00) peers have a series of "balloted debates" - that is debates on subjects raised by backbenchers. The first on the incidence of anti-Semitism worldwide; and the second on the case for better protecting and representing the interests of future generations in policymaking. It is a mark of how flat parliament is at the moment that there seem to be no takers for the usual Thursday afternoon topical mini debate. There is some rare Thursday committee action; the Lords EU External Affairs Sub-Committee (10.10) takes evidence on the Iran nuclear deal.

ولا يزال البرلمان هادئا. وراء الكواليس، ربما تغلي وستمنستر بالمنازعات السياسية والقلق، لكن الأجندة التشريعية أمام مجلس النواب مبتذلة، مما يترك النواب ينشغلون بشذرات من التشريعات الفنية والمناقشات العامة.

الاسبوع المقبل في البرلمان

He suffered multiple injuries at LM Bateman & Co's premises in Station Road, Cheddleton, Leek, at about 03:34 BST on Wednesday. He was treated at the scene but died at Royal Stoke University Hospital. LM Bateman & Co said it was "deeply shocked and saddened". The Health and Safety Executive is investigating.

توفي رجل في المستشفى إثر حادث صناعي في مصنع للآلات الزراعية في ستافوردشاير.

وفاة رجل بعد حادث صناعي في شيدلتون

By Pumza FihlaniBBC News, Johannesburg The scuffle happened during a debate over a long-running dispute over new regulations around the wool and mohair trade - not the subject you might expect to ignite such strong passions. First off, what is mohair? Mohair is made from the hair of Angora goats. It is much softer than wool and has a noticeable sheen and lustre. Because it is considered to be a luxury textile, garments made entirely from mohair are more expensive than those made from other types of yarn. Some call it the "diamond fibre". But why fight over it? Mohair and wool production is one of Lesotho's main industries and is the main source of income for many families. More about mohair Sources : Mohair SA, Department of Trade and Industry SA, Lesotho Bureau of Statistics Find out more about Lesotho Earlier this year, thousands of farmers marched to parliament to protest against a regulation signed in 2018 forcing them to sell their wool and mohair to a Chinese broker. The farmers said that the new broker was not paying them for their goods. This led to a crisis that left an estimated 48,000 farmers without earnings for more than a year, according to South Africa's BusinessLive newspaper. After numerous protests in the months after that, the government, led by Prime Miniser Tom Thabane, changed its tune and ended the controversial deal with Guohui Shi and his company, Lesotho Wool Centre. So the farmers should be happy? Unfortunately not. While the deal with the Chinese businessman is no longer in place, what has remained is a decision for mohair and wool to be auctioned from Lesotho instead of neighbouring South Africa which had been the practice for many years. Lesotho's farmers say the government's refusal to allow producers to sell their products in South Africa and elsewhere means they cannot get fair market prices. They used to rely on a South African broker, BKB, to export their products seemingly without any problems. They now want to either return to that arrangement or be allowed to sell to alternative markets. In October, lawmakers called for the regulations to be repealed but a new deal is yet to be finalised. Why do they want to sell their mohair in South Africa? Lesotho is a small landlocked country, with a population of just two million, and the partnership with South Africa gave producers access to a broader market, they say. It is one of southern Africa's poorest nations, with unemployment rates of 24-28%, according to the World Bank. Neighbouring South Africa produces 53% of the world's mohair and runs the world's biggest auction in the coastal town of Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape province. Farmers back in Lesotho, and opposition MPs, are worried that if they continue to only sell their produce from their own country, buyers might move elsewhere because of the increased travel costs involved. While there are other tensions between the government and opposition, this week's sitting was expected to start addressing the concerns raised over existing regulations. Opposition leaders grew frustrated when they learned Minister for Small Business Development, Conservation and Marketing Chalane Phoro would not be appearing in parliament, as they had expected, to explain what was happening with the regulations. Then the speaker of parliament suspended the session, sparking uproar. So what happens now? That is not entirely clear. There is still a dispute of over the mohair regulations and, once the dust has settled, this will need to be resolved by the very people who came to blows. In the meantime, the many hundreds of families in Lesotho who depend on mohair for their living will be hoping those in leadership positions can put their fists away long enough to come to a decision.

تحولت جلسة لمجلس الشيوخ في برلمان ليسوتو هذا الأسبوع إلى قتال بالأيدي بين صفوف حاشدة من النواب المتنافسين الذين قاموا أيضًا بإلقاء الألواح الخشبية والوثائق وأي شيء آخر يمكن أن تضع أيديهم عليه عبر الغرفة على بعضهم البعض.

ليسوتو: لماذا أدى الخلاف حول الموهير إلى شجار بالأيدي في البرلمان؟

By BBC TrendingWhat's popular and why It turned out that talking to one of the world's most notorious hackers was easier than you might think. Just send him a tweet. In the summer of 2016 the hacker, going by the name Guccifer 2.0, leaked a trove of documents from the Democratic National Committee (DNC) to Wikileaks, which then made the material public. The revelations were embarrassing for the Democrats and the Hillary Clinton campaign, and resulted in the resignation of party chair Debbie Wasserman-Shultz. Although Guccifer 2.0 took his name from a Romanian hacker - the original Guccifer hacked emails belonging to American and Romanian officials, and is currently in prison - suspicion immediately fell on Russia. Metadata attached to the leaked documents was in Russian not Romanian. Analysts determined that Guccifer 2.0 had used a Russian server. A host of security experts traced the leak to Russian intelligence. Lorenzo Franceschi-Bicchierai, a journalist with Vice's Motherboard, chatted with the hacker in Romanian in the days after the DNC hack. The problem was, Guccifer didn't seem to speak the language very well. "He did answer some questions in Romanian," but the answers were very basic, Franceschi-Bicchierai told BBC Trending. "I showed those answers to people who did speak Romanian and they all agreed he wasn't a Romanian speaker," Franceschi-Bicchierai says. "We later put the conversation to linguists and not everyone agreed that he was a Russian speaker but he was definitely not a native Romanian speaker." BBC Trending Radio Listen to more on this story on BBC Trending radio on the BBC World Service. During our exchanges in October - and until the present day - Guccifer 2.0 continued to deny having anything to do with Russia. He also claimed to have more incriminating documents on Hillary Clinton - documents which he urged me to publish. The information was sent to me via encrypted email. But despite the cloak-and-dagger presentation, the material was ultimately disappointing - a mishmash of old stories, publically available documents which were rather dull, and others which were obvious forgeries. I asked him about his motivations. He said he believed that people have the right to know what's going on in the election process. Trying to get friendly journalists to write sympathetic stories is a common tactic of Russia's online intelligence operations, says Lee Foster of FireEye, one of the big computer security firms which has been looking into the Guccifer 2.0 hacks. "This is actually something that we've coined 'direct advocacy'," Foster says. "These false hactivists reach out to journalists but also other individuals, security blogs, and so on to get them to publicise the activity that they've been engaged in and sometimes even to spin particular narratives around those leaks as well." Foster says he's highly confident that the Russian authorities are behind the Guccifer persona. For its part, Moscow denies being behind the leaks, and Julian Assange of Wikileaks says Russia wasn't the source of the leaked DNC emails. I asked Guccifer about Russia. After that, he stopped responding to my messages. In the run-up to the US election in November, Guccifer warned that the Democrats would attempt to rig the vote. But after Donald Trump's victory, he went silent. Last week US intelligence chiefs released a declassified version of a report which has been presented to President Obama and President-Elect Trump. One of the report's key judgements read: "We assess with high confidence that Russian military intelligence (General Staff Main Intelligence Directorate or GRU) used the Guccifer 2.0 persona and DCLeaks.com to release US victim data obtained in cyber operations publicly and in exclusives to media outlets and relayed material to WikiLeaks." It added: "Guccifer 2.0, who claimed to be an independent Romanian hacker, made multiple contradictory statements and false claims about his likely Russian identity throughout the election. Press reporting suggests more than one person claiming to be Guccifer 2.0 interacted with journalists." So could there be several people involved in operating the Guccifer 2.0 persona? Lee Foster from FireEye believes so. "It may be one person who actually looks after the twitter account or it may be part of a team," he told Trending. "But what we certainly can say based on the scale of the activity that we're seeing - that encompasses everything from this initial breach all the way through to the creation of these fake personas to push the information through to the trolling activity trying to push narratives around these leaks - this is not a one person effort. There's quite clearly a concerted and very well resourced and frankly sophisticated operation that is making all of this stuff come together." Late on Thursday, Guccifer broke his two-month silence to respond to the US intelligence agencies report. "Here I am again, my friends!" he announced on his blog. "I'd like to make it clear enough that these accusations are unfounded," the hacker wrote. "I have totally no relation to the Russian government. I'd like to tell you once again I was acting in accordance with my personal political views and beliefs." Several observers noted that Guccifer's English had markedly improved. More from BBC Trending Visit the Trending Facebook page Donald Trump has promised a full report on hacking within 90 days of taking office. Lee Foster from FireEye says we shouldn't get too hung up on the Guccifer 2.0 brand. "What doesn't really matter here is the personas themselves. What matters is to what extent does type of activity continue and potentially expand as well. We're already on the trolling side seeing a redirection towards European elections coming up, particularly France and Germany in 2017," he says. After the report, and his blog re-emergence, I tried once more to contact Guccifer 2.0 on Twitter. He hasn't responded. Blog by Mike Wendling Next story: 'Why I dropped the case against the man who groped me' Samya Gupta, a 21-year-old law student from the north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, was napping on a seat near the back of a bus when she felt something on her breasts. READ MORE You can follow BBC Trending on Twitter @BBCtrending, and find us on Facebook. All our stories are at bbc.com/trending.

من أو ما هو Guccifer 2.0؟ تعتقد وكالات المخابرات الأمريكية أن شخصية الهاكر الغامضة كانت محورية في الجهود المبذولة للتدخل في الانتخابات الأمريكية العام الماضي وكانت مسؤولة عن توزيع وثائق مقرصنة أحرجت الحزب الديمقراطي. لكن الآن كسر Guccifer 2.0 صمتًا دام شهرين لإنكار أي صلة له بروسيا. في الفترة التي سبقت فوز دونالد ترامب، أجرى مايك ويندلينج، مراسل بي بي سي ترندينغ، حوارًا عبر الإنترنت مع Guccifer 2.0 لمحاولة التحقيق في دوافع الهاكر.

محادثات مع أحد المتسللين: ما أخبرني به Guccifer 2.0

By Barrett Holmes PitnerContributor Despite being defined by race, American society does not spend much time analysing the history of our racial divisions, and America prefers to believe in the inevitable progression towards racial equality. The election of Barack Obama in 2008 fed into this narrative of progress, but Donald Trump's presidential victory in 2016 was seen as a step backwards, coming after a campaign with a slogan that championed America's divisive past as a form of progress. Floyd's death now appears to be the tipping point for an exhausted, racially divided nation still in the throes of the coronavirus pandemic and the economic cost that followed. **WARNING: This article contains a racial slur** Floyd's cries of "I can't breathe" echoed the cries of Eric Garner, who was choked by police on a New York City sidewalk in 2014. Floyd's words reminded Americans of the oppressive past we work to forget regardless of whether it is six years ago, 60 years ago, the 1860s, or 1619 when some of the first slaves arrived in America. To a large extent, America's neglect of the past and belief in progress have left many Americans unaware of the severity and scope of our racial tensions, and as a result many Americans lack the words to articulate our current turmoil. Recently, I have used the word ethnocide meaning "the destruction of culture while keeping the people" to describe America's past and present racial tensions, and this language also helps articulate the uniqueness of America's race problem. In 1941, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish Jew and distinguished lawyer, immigrated to the United States as he fled the Nazis. While in America he implored the American government to stop the Nazis from killing his people, and as his words fell on deaf ears, he realized he needed to create a new word to describe the unique horror befalling his people. In 1944, Lemkin coined the words genocide and ethnocide. Lemkin intended for the words to be interchangeable but over time they diverged. Genocide became the destruction of a people and their culture, and this word radically changed the world for the better. Ethnocide became the destruction of culture while keeping the people, and has been ignored for decades. Recently, ethnocide has been used to describe the plight of indigenous people against colonisation, but regarding America, ethnocide also pertains to the transatlantic slave trade and the founding of the nation. From the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade, European colonisers destroyed the culture of African people, but kept their bodies in order to create the chattel slavery system that became the economic and social foundation of the United States. Colonisers prevented Africans from speaking their languages and practising their religions. Tribal and familial bonds were broken, and African people could no longer identify as Igbo, Yoruba, and Malian. Instead de-cultured names such as nigger, negro, coloured, and black were stamped upon African people. Additionally, Europeans identified themselves as white, and in the United States the one-drop rule was created to sustain that division. One drop of black or African blood meant that a person could not be white. In America, whiteness became a zero-sum identity that was maintained by systemic racial division. Interracial marriage was still illegal in much of America until the Loving vs Virginia decision in 1967. Read more from Barrett From colonisation to the formation of the United States, America has created countless laws and policies to sustain the racial division between blacks and whites forged by ethnocide. These American norms, extending to housing, education, employment, healthcare, law enforcement and environmental protections including clean drinking water, have disproportionately harmed African Americans and other communities of colour in order to sustain racial division and white dominance. George Floyd's murder represents a continuation of the systemic criminalisation and oppression of black life in America that has always been the American norm dating back to Jim Crow, segregation (which means apartheid), and slavery. When the Confederacy, the collection of American slave-holding states in the South, seceded from the United States, they launched the Civil War to defend the immoral institution of slavery. After losing the Civil War, these states were readmitted back into the United States. To this day, many Americans, and especially America hate groups, still celebrate Confederate soldiers and politicians as heroes, and there are monuments and memorials dedicated to them across America. Despite the American South losing the Civil War in 1865, American President Andrew Johnson pardoned Confederate soldiers, and soon thereafter Confederate politicians won elected office in the newly-reunited America. The influence of former slave owners and Confederates contributed to erasing the rights that African Americans won in the 1860s including citizenship and the right to vote. The political campaign to remove African American rights was called the Redeemers movement, and it was led by former slave-owners and Confederates, who wanted to redeem the South by returning it to the norms of chattel slavery. The Redeemers and "Make America Great Again" derive from America's oppressive, ethnocidal school of thought. The Redeemers were also assisted by American terrorist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) that were made up of former Confederate soldiers. The KKK, and many other white supremacist groups, terrorised and lynched black Americans, and they also prevented them from voting to help ensure that Redeemer candidates won elected office. The terrorists became the government. By the start of the 20th Century, the Redeemers had succeeded in undoing the racial equality progress of the post-Civil War Reconstruction era, and now Jim Crow segregation became the norm of the American South. The Supreme Court's decision in Plessy vs Ferguson made "separate but equal" the new law of the land, and America again became a legal apartheid state. According to the Equal Justice Initiative's 2017 report Lynching in America, over 4,400 lynchings of African Americans occurred from 1877-1950. That is more than a lynching a week for 74 years. During Jim Crow, America could not legally deny black people their humanity, but they could deny them the services that are afforded to human beings. Black people were denied education, housing, employment, and were expected to "know their place" as a perpetually subjugated people. Large prisons were erected on former plantations; black people were arrested for minor crimes and given long prison sentences doing manual labour on the same land their ancestors were forced to work as enslaved people. As a result of Jim Crow, millions of African Americans fled the neo-slavery and terror of the South during the Great Migration, and racial tensions spread as other American cities did not welcome these domestic refugees. This is the same journey as the Underground Railroad, where prior to the Civil War enslaved African Americans escaped the South and sought refuge in Canada and the Northern parts of America. The civil rights movement of the 1960s effectively ended Jim Crow, and African Americans began reclaiming the rights, specifically voting rights and freedom of movement, they had previously won in the 1860s, but it is a long road to dismantle systemic and legalised racism and segregation. Obama's election in 2008 was a monumental event in American society, but it did not magically erase the systemic racism woven into America's social fabric and the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin, 17, helped launch the Black Lives Matter movement to national attention. Trayvon was shot and killed by George Zimmerman as he walked home in his own neighbourhood because Zimmerman thought he looked suspicious. Martin was unarmed. Zimmerman pled self-defence and a jury found him not guilty of second-degree murder and manslaughter. Trayvon was one of countless African Americans killed by America's ethnocidal society that sanctions terror from both the government and civilians. The unjust killing of black people by the police and racist vigilantes remained the norm during Obama's presidency, but now the black community could record and document these crimes on video, and had a president who would defend them. Obama famously said: "If I had a son, he'd look like Trayvon." The emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement and other protests under Obama occurred because black Americans were confident that the White House would listen to their cries of "I can't breathe" and make American society finally equitable and just. Under Trump those cries have fallen on deaf ears and tensions have escalated. America has much work to do to fix our racial tensions because our divisions and inequality are forged in our ethnocidal roots. We need to reform the policing of a nation nearly the size of a continent with over 300 million people, but we also need to make our education, healthcare, and housing systems, and every facet of our democracy more equitable. Additionally, truth and reconciliation commissions, a national apology, reparations, holding evildoers accountable, and other processes nations have used to heal after a genocide, the linguistic sibling of ethnocide, will help America change course and forge equality and justice. Also, America has rarely criminalised white supremacist hate and terror and instead has spent centuries normalising white terrorist groups, celebrating them as heroes, and letting them decide if their actions are evil or not. This is why the Confederacy is still celebrated today. Europe did not allow fascists and Nazis to determine if their actions were good or not, but America has always given this luxury to racist slave-owners and their generational apologists and offspring. This must change. Rwanda, Germany, and South Africa have reckoned with their troubled past to make a better future, but America has long preferred to ignore the past, and proclaim the inevitability of progress. America today must define and confront the Original Sin of slavery, ethnocide, and the cultural destruction it has inflicted upon all Americans, past and present. Otherwise we will fail to make a better future, and will continue our regression. Barrett is a writer, journalist and filmmaker focusing on race, culture and politics

بعد وفاة جورج فلويد أثناء اعتقاله، اجتاحت الاحتجاجات أمريكا وتساءل المتفرجون كيف يمكن لواحدة من أقوى الدول في العالم أن تنزلق إلى مثل هذه الفوضى.

وجهة النظر: يجب على الولايات المتحدة أن تواجه خطيئتها الأصلية للمضي قدمًا

A judge at Snaresbrook Crown Court said the Met officers could give evidence from behind a screen using pseudonyms at Kevin Hutchinson-Foster's trial. The judge said he made the order to prevent them from coming to harm. Police believe the weapon used could be the same gun found at the shooting of Mark Duggan on 4 August. His death prompted rioting in Tottenham, north London, last August which then spread to other parts of London and across England. The trial of Mr Hutchinson-Foster, 29, is due to begin in September. The officers are a mixture of firearms and surveillance officers.

يمكن لسبعة من ضباط الشرطة الإدلاء بشهادتهم دون الكشف عن هويتهم في محاكمة رجل متهم بتزويد الرجل الذي أثار موته أعمال الشغب في الصيف الماضي بمسدس.

التقى ضباط الشرطة للحفاظ على عدم الكشف عن هويتهم في محاكمة "Duggan gun".

By M Ilyas KhanBBC News, Islamabad The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) abandoned plans for Wednesday night's rally in its native stronghold of Larkana town following what party leaders called "security threats" from militants. The PPP is one of three parties recently named by a spokesman of the Pakistani Taliban as "legitimate" targets for militant attacks during the elections, due in May. The other two parties on the hit list are the Karachi-based MQM, and the Pashtun nationalist ANP party which has its main base in the north-western province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and also enjoys sizeable support in Karachi. All three are professedly secular, and were partners in the government that completed its five-year term last month. Similar Taliban threats forced former military ruler Gen Pervez Musharraf, also known for his secular leanings, to cancel a welcome rally on 24 March, the day he returned to the country after a four-year long self-imposed exile. These threats follow huge election rallies already held by former cricketer Imran Khan's PTI, former prime minister Nawaz Sharif's PML-N and Maulana Fazlur Rahman's JUI-F. Parties like Jamaat-e-Islami and the political wings of some of the jihadi and sectarian groups also have an open field for campaigning. All these parties are either overtly religious, or are run by right-wing liberals with religious leanings. Campaign of attacks The question is, can the secularists defy the militant threat and assert themselves to ensure a level playing field in the vote? An answer would depend on how serious the militant threat really is, and whether the country's intelligence-cum-security apparatus has the competence or the will to deal with it. Thus far, the militants have repeatedly demonstrated their ability to attack the secular parties, while the security forces have failed to clear them out of their known sanctuaries in the north-west. The ANP party, which led the outgoing administration in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, has been the worst hit. In October 2008, the party's chief, Asfandyar Wali, narrowly escaped a suicide bomb attack near his residence in Charsadda. Since then, the party's top leaders have limited their movements and have avoided public exposure. A recent report by BBC Urdu said that more than 700 ANP activists have been killed by snipers or suicide bombers during the last four years, including a top party leader, Bashir Bilour. In recent weeks, low-intensity bombs have gone off at several local ANP election meetings, reducing its ability to conduct an open campaign. Wings clipped The PPP's losses at the grassroots level are minimal, but it did suffer a major shock in 2007 when its charismatic leader and former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, was assassinated in a gun and bomb attack. The then government, which was headed by Gen Musharraf, blamed the attack on the Pakistani Taliban on the basis of some communication intercepts and half a dozen arrests. In June 2011, Ms Bhutto's husband and by then the president of Pakistan, Asif Zardari, was stopped from visiting his ailing father in an Islamabad hospital after the intelligence agencies uncovered what they claimed to be an assassination plot involving several Taliban suicide bombers. As for the MQM, it has its main base in Karachi, and is reported to have a strong militant wing of its own, a claim it denies. But in recent months its activists have been targeted by the Taliban, including a provincial lawmaker, Manzar Imam. Whether or not these parties will hit the campaign trail in a big way just as their right-wing competitors have done will become clear over the coming days and weeks. They will be desperate to do so. Their leaders, especially those of the PPP and ANP, have been out of touch with the voters for nearly four years due to restricted movement. Their inability to openly access the voters now may make it difficult for them not only to stem some of the unpopularity they may have earned during their incumbency, but also to prevent their more loyal vote-bank being eroded. For many, the situation is becoming more like the 2002 elections, when the military regime of Gen Musharraf forced the main political leaders into exile, creating conditions for religious forces and conservatives to sweep the election. Often those with the largest vote, the secular political forces have in the past had their wings clipped repeatedly by a powerful military establishment which finds an Islamic image of the state more suited to its security needs. Now that job is being done by the Taliban.

ينظر الكثيرون إلى إلغاء تجمع سياسي رئيسي كان من المقرر أن يبدأ الحملة الانتخابية لأحد أكبر الأحزاب السياسية في باكستان، على أنه مؤشر على الأوقات الصعبة التي ستواجهها القوى السياسية العلمانية في البلاد في الأيام المقبلة.

الانتخابات الباكستانية: تهديدات طالبان تعرقل الحملة العلمانية

By Lucy AshBBC World Service, Zanzibar Just after dawn, a group of women carrying ropes and sticks on their heads walk to the beach to plant seaweed at low tide. Knee deep in the water, they drive the sticks into the sand. Small pieces of seaweed are then attached to rope strung out between the posts. In just over six weeks, these seedlings will grow tenfold and be ready to harvest. Some will be eaten but most will be dried, sold to a local broker and exported. Raucous laughter mingles with the sound of wet skirts flapping in the breeze. The women crack jokes and exchange gossip - it's like a watery neighbourhood allotment. When seaweed farming was first introduced in the early 1990s, men thought it wasn't worth their while. They preferred fishing or jobs in tourism. But some didn't want their wives to farm either. Mohamed Mzale, a community leader in the east coast village of Paje puts it bluntly: "I thought this seaweed business was a kind of family planning because after hours on the beach and work in the house our women were very tired - they had no time - you know… to make babies." Mohamed initially refused to allow his first wife to go with the others. "She was sad and crying a lot," he says. So eventually he relented. Seaweed farming has proved a liberating force on the overwhelmingly Muslim island. Until recently most women in the villages only left their houses to go to a funeral, a wedding or to visit a sick relative. Their isolation was even reflected in the architecture - many houses have stone benches along the outside wall to allow men to receive visitors at home without compromising the privacy of their women indoors. "At the beginning some husbands threatened divorce if their wives went out to farm seaweed," says marine biologist Flower Msuya. "But when they saw the money women were making, they slowly began to accept it." Women began visiting the market and travelling on buses to the capital rather than leaving all the shopping to their husbands. Soon many families could afford school books and uniforms, furniture, better food and roofs made of corrugated iron rather than grass. Safia Mohamed, a seaweed farmer from the village of Bweleo on the south-west coast, has done exceptionally well for herself. She has a shop where she sells seaweed soap, jam and chutney. With the proceeds she bought her sons a fishing boat, a scooter and built a big family house. I admire the shiny white floor tiles and fancy corniced ceilings but she is much prouder of something else. "I have four children, I have been married since 1985 and I'm my husband's only wife," she says. Safia tells me she'd have to accept a second wife, because that's Islamic law. But quickly adds that the new woman would have to sleep somewhere else - not in her house. Find out more Listen to Assignment: Seaweed, Sex and Liberation on BBC World Service Under the tranquil surface of Paje, all manner of domestic dramas are unfolding - some worthy of a soap opera plot. Along with polygamy, divorce is also commonplace. Nearly 50 women on the island were divorced for voting in the 2015 elections or for voting for a politician their husband disapproved of. Some women on the island appear to have been emboldened by their financial independence. Marital disputes are usually dealt with at one of the 10 Islamic Shariah law courts on Zanzibar and the neighbouring island of Pemba. Theoretically, either partner has the right to seek divorce, although in practice it is instigated by the husband. Like the savvy businesswoman Safia, Mwanaisha Makame has also put her seaweed money into real estate. I assume the half-built house she shows me near the taxi rank is for her grown-up children but she says no, it's a place where she can live in case her marriage breaks down. It is an insurance policy in a society where men are seldom forced to pay alimony. "There's no guarantee in marriage in Zanzibar," she laughs. "If our husband falls for some other woman, love can make him crazy and he can just tell you to go." I wonder if there is much jealousy between women in the village. Mwanaisha stops smiling and gives me a hard look. "Yes. A lot!" she says. The women here have another problem to deal with - climate change. Most of Zanzibar archipelago's seaweed is grown on the island of Pemba, which has rocky inlets rather than flat wide beaches and consequently been less affected by rising water temperatures. But in Paje seaweed stopped growing for three years from 2011. It gradually returned, but only the low-value spinosum variety which contains less of the substance - carrageenan - which is used as a thickening agent in foods, cosmetics and medicines. As a result, the business is now less lucrative. To make matters worse, for a while the warmer sea temperatures encouraged a form of blue-green algae that gave the women painful rashes and blisters. Many in Paje gave up the business - out of 450 seaweed farmers working in the town 20 years ago, only 150 are left. Reziki, Mwanaisha's neighbour, badly needs money with seven children but she is now selling fried samosas instead. Other women who used to farm seaweed on the beach are now making handicrafts which they can sell to sunbathing tourists. Still, the fact that they are at work outside the house is one of seaweed's legacies. Marine biologists say the best way to make seaweed more profitable again is to plant cottonii - a valuable variety containing more carrageenan - in deeper, cooler water. But there's a hitch. The women need boats - and they don't know how to swim. I get into the sea at high tide with a group of women in the village of Mungoni wearing lifejackets and straw hats. Their long wrap around skirts make learning breast stroke very difficult if not dangerous. There is a lot of screaming and nervous laughter. One woman in a flowery dress is clinging tightly to a mangrove tree - she looks terrified. But out of the water she regains her composure. "I was happy because I was learning," she says. "If men can swim, we can too." Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter. Listen to Assignment: Seaweed, Sex and Liberation on BBC World Service

تم الترحيب بالأعشاب البحرية باعتبارها طعامًا خارقًا جديدًا، وهي موجودة أيضًا في معجون الأسنان والأدوية والشامبو. وفي زنجبار، أصبحت هذه التجارة تجارة كبيرة - وبما أن النساء يزرعنها بشكل رئيسي، فقد أدى ذلك إلى تغيير ميزان القوى الجنسي.

المحصول الذي وضع المرأة على القمة في زنجبار

By Hannah MooreNewsbeat reporter at London Fashion Week For new designers, it means getting their clothes seen by the world's press and buyers, alongside established brands like Burberry and Versace. "You study fashion, and that's what you dream of doing. To be actually doing it is really surreal," says designer Supriya Lele. Newsbeat finds out how she and other emerging British designers have managed it. Matty Bovan Despite graduating from art school Central Saint Martins two years ago, Matty has become one of the most talked about designers at fashion week. This is a photo of Matty from his Instagram account. "I was always really focused, and I really wanted to do it, which I find kind of weird, looking back," says the 27-year-old. "My parents never went to uni, so it was quite a rare thing for me to go, but I think if you work hard, it does pay off." The Yorkshire-based designer showed his collection as part of Fashion East. The not-for-profit organisation supports new designers by giving them bursaries and mentoring. "I think it's very important that people realise designers can work outside London. Everything's made in York. "I was lucky I got bursaries at Saint Martins, and we do get a bursary from Fashion East, but I live with my parents. "It's super hard to make a living, make it work and pay the bills. A show is incredibly expensive. The set, the lights, everything. "There's a huge, huge team of people. We have probably 100 just for me, because you have a short space of time to do make-up and hair. It's a lot. A video showing all his designs was put on Instagram. "My biggest piece of advice would be, 'Just stick to your own style, and never let people change you.' It's totally possible to do this." Supriya Lele "That was my first runway, so it was completely exhilarating," Supriya tells Newsbeat backstage. She's also been supported by Fashion East, creating a collection inspired by her Indian heritage. "Being part of London Fashion Week is mad," explains the 30-year-old, who graduated from the Royal College of Art last year. "In terms of the high glamour of it all, it's not really like that. "It's a lot of hard, hard work, for months and months, for five minutes." She says any would-be designer should "believe in yourself, and push yourself. It will happen". Molly Goddard Rihanna and Fearne Cotton are among the fans of Molly Goddard's pastel princess dresses. Mayor of London Sadiq Khan even came backstage to congratulate the 28-year-old after her show. "It was fun. It's three years since the first [fashion event] we ever did, and that feels mad, going from working in my mum's tiny, tiny spare bedroom to having a studio, and employing people," she says. The London-born designer is supported by NewGen, a British Fashion Council scheme that helped launch the careers of Alexander McQueen and Christopher Kane, among others. And her signature oversized designs have been imitated by almost every high street shop. "When I got NewGen support, that catapulted [my career]. "But the main thing is getting help from my friends and my family. It's very much a family business now," says Molly, who employs her sister Alice as a stylist on her shows. She says it's important not to give up if you don't make it as a designer. "It's not all about being like me. There are millions of other jobs in fashion. Molly uploaded a photo from London Fashion Week to Instagram. "Like if you're interested in numbers, it's very useful. People who are good at spreadsheets, at colour... there are lots of relevant roles that are just as interesting as what I do." Find us on Instagram at BBCNewsbeat and follow us on Snapchat, search for bbc_newsbeat

يعد تنظيم عرضك الأول في أسبوع الموضة في لندن أمرًا مهمًا.

لا يزال مصمم الأزياء يصنع الملابس في مرآب والديه